创新是一个民族进步的灵魂。如何“提高自主创新能力，建设创新型国家”，这是当前中国国家发展战略的核心，也是提高综合国力的关键。
近年来，以创意为主导，文化产业发展为特征的创意经济作为一种新的经济形态，正以不可阻挡的力量影响着世界各国的社会发展。“创意资本”作为继物质资本、土地资本、人力资本和社会资本之后的第五种资本要素，正逐步成为推动经济发展的核心要素。
老子道学文化及《道德经》智慧是塑造中华民族精神的源头活水。在创意经济风靡全球的大变革时代，我们该如何从老子《道德经》中汲取“创意”智慧源泉，通过培养大量具有自主创新意识和善于在变革中发展的现代“道商”，推动科学发展，这是时代发展提出的迫切要求。
一、虚实相交：创意经济是时代发展的必然趋势
“创意经济”的概念诞生于20世纪90年代中后期，最早是由英国人提出的。它主要是指从个人的创造力、技能和天分中获取发展动力的企业，以及通过对知识产权的开发可创造潜在财富和就业机会的活动。
《道德经.第二章》讲：“故有无之相生”。当前，人类经济社会正在经历四个时代——农业经济时代、工业经济时代、信息经济时代、创意经济时代。这四大时代的发展转化完美体现了道的阴阳交演规律，即：从小到大、由动入静、由粗转精、从低就高、化坤为乾、从体力到智能，从物质到思想、从重有形到重无形……
在农业经济时代，以地主阶级为代表，谁拥有土地谁就拥有财富，“普天之下，莫非王土，率土之滨，莫非王臣。”随着瓦特蒸汽机的发明，人类社会进入工业经济时代，以“资本主义”工业化最为典型，谁拥有自然资源和机器成为拥有财富的象征，这期间诞生了拥有石油资源的洛克菲勒家族与拥有汽车制造生产线的福特家族。自英特网诞生后，人类开始进入信息经济时代，进入了重视知识的“知本主义”时代。在信息经济时代，知识就是财富，资讯就是财富，财富拥有者的必须有与众不同的思考方式，以及精深的专业知识与广博的相关行业知识。雅虎的崛起、微软的称霸、戴尔的网上直销、软银的大肆扩张……都一再证明信息化时代财富拥有者的特征。
事物发展的规律就是极则反、极则变。“大曰逝，逝曰远，远曰反。”；“反者道之动。”当纯物质的文明发展到极限，世人就要通过市场经济，通过文化与精神的消费来满足其深层次需求。所以，丹麦著名未来学家罗夫.钱森告诉我们：“继信息社会之后，人类正在迈入梦想社会。我们将从重视信息过渡到重视想象。”
罗夫.钱森提到的“梦想社会”，也就是创意经济时代。
二、有无相生：创意经济的核心动力是创意思维
追溯创意经济产生的渊源，著名德国经济史及经济思想家熊.彼得在1912年就指出，“现在经济发展的根本动力不是资本和劳动力，而是创新”。
创新的本质是创意，而创意并不是凭空而来的。斯坦福大学经济学家保罗.罗默早就认为，“伟大的进步总是来源于思想。但是思想并不是从天上掉下来的，他们是来自于人的头脑”。一个项目、一种策略、是否具有创意，是否具有新异，关键在于我们能否打破固有的思维模式，“出有入无”地走向广阔的创意思维领域，悟出万事万物都存在一种相似的“共性”——道。
什么是“道”呢？老子在《道德经.第二十五章》给我们描述介绍说：“有物混成，先天地生。寂兮寥兮，独立而不该，周行而不殆，可以为天地母。吾不知其名，字之曰道，强为之名曰大。”道是先天地而生的。“天下万物生于有，有生于无。”生天生地的“道”堪为天地之母、万物之祖。
在老子的思想智慧中，大道无形、大象无形。这里的“无”并非没有和不存在，而是无所不包、无所不容、无穷无尽、不可描述的“大有”与“万有”。虽然大道的本体是空虚而无形的，但《道德经.第十四章》却为我们揭示了“无中之有”的存在。“视之不见名曰夷，听之不闻名曰希，搏之不得名曰微。此三者不可致诘，故混而为一。其上不皎，其下不昧，绳绳不可名，复归于无物，是谓无状之状，无物之象，是谓惚恍。迎之不见其首，随之不见其后。”“道之为物，惟恍惟惚。惚兮恍兮，其中有象；恍兮惚兮，其中有物，窈兮冥兮，其中有精。其精甚真，其中有信。”（《道德经.第二十一章》）……
然而，无形的大道却具有无穷无尽之功用。《道德经》告诉我们：“道冲而用之或不盈，渊兮，似万物之宗。”；“天地之间，其犹橐龠乎，虚而不屈，动而愈出，多言数穷，不如守中。”在老子道学思想体系中非常强调“虚无”的妙用，并认为只有“虚无”才能够化生和孕育最大的“实有”。
如果我们从老子《道德经》的“虚无生妙有”智慧中，领悟“创意经济”的本质，在一个想象力无边界的无形时代，遵循老子“天下有始，以为天下母。既得其母，以知其子；既知其子，复守其母，没身不殆”的“守母存子”教诲，必定可以摆脱西方企业“体力劳动者”的卑贱身份，从“中国制造”到“中国创造”，以心智王天下，以创意王天下，构建以道兴商的“商业帝国”。
三、阴阳相济：创意经济的推进手段应“尊道贵德”
儒家善于守成，道家善于达变。司马迁《史记》称，道家“以虚无为本，以因循为用。无成势，无常形，故能究万物之情。不为物先，不为物后，故能为万物主”。我们倘一旦有幸进入“上善若水”的大道众妙之门，创意智慧必将源源不断，绵绵不竭，无时无处无物不存。
《道德经.第四十二章》曰：“道生一，一生二，二生三，三生万物。万物负阴而抱阳，冲气以为和”。宇宙万物皆太极，一阴一阳之谓道。创意思维的生发，创意经济的推动，无不在“负阴抱阳”的冲和交演中，遵循着“道生之，德蓄之，物形之，势成之”的规律进行演变推进。
在鼓励创新的社会氛围中，富余想象和激情的创意“道商”们，将运用老子道学“无中生有”、“借虚入实”、“以小搏大”、“以柔胜刚”的智慧，以较少的物质资源消耗为基础，迅速地将独特创意转化为具有知识产权的成果、设计和产品，在某一领域形成市场竞争力。
无中生有：《道德经》说：“天下万物生于有，有生于无。”道家认为世间万物都是从“无”开始的。从“无极图”生出“有极图”，又从“有极图”孕育发展出万物。
无中生有，无中之有是大有！伟大的商业公司总是尽可能的创造需求，而不仅仅是满足需求。商业的真正利润是往往出自“无中生有”的商业模式中，当我们以一种“上德无德”般的新的视角重新理解生活方式时，就会发现新的商业模式，达到“不争而善胜”的商业蓝海。凡是善于“创造需求”的成功企业家和企业，几乎都是“无中生有”的高手。
创造一种“渴望中的生活方式”，既考验着一个企业出色的创意思维想象力，又考验着企业把理想变成现实的创新实践能力。虽然能够运用“无中生有式”去主动创造需求的道商，总是显得那么凤毛麟角、寂寥星辰。可他们一旦诞生出来，就意味着开创出了一片崭新的天地，并且往往带领企业成为新产业或新行业的标志性领袖人物。
借虚入实：老子说，“三十辐，共一毂，当其无有，车之用。埏埴以为器，当其无用，器之用。凿户牖以为室，当其无有，室之用。故有之以为利，无之以为用。”在老子看来，一切有形的有用是有限的，而一切无形的无用却是无限的。任何事情都要阴阳共济，虚实结合，才能够产生无穷的妙用。
孙福良教授认为，“进入知识经济的时代，人们的需求发生了很大的变化，从满足物质需求到今天的文化精神需求。”所谓创意策划，就是如何利用智慧，将“虚拟”转化为“现实”的思维过程。
企业经营和商业发展也是如此，一般的管理者只知道向管理出效益，问生产要效益，却不知道高明的经营者却能极目思远，向虚空求实有，在无中创生机。罗夫.钱森告诉我们：“当我们在购物时，事实上我们在商品内寻找故事、友情、关怀、生活方式和品性。我们是在购买感情。”……真正的道商，往往善于从“虚构”出发，然后创造“事实”。
在《道德经》中，关于推动创意经济发展的创意思维培育智慧，可谓俯首可视。如：
“见小曰明，守柔曰强，用其光，复归其明，无遗身殃，是为袭常。”创意要善于从小处入手，以小博大。有媒体这样告诉公众：“什么叫做创意呢？你可以生产鞋子，但是，你生产一万只鞋子的利润，不如我设计一双鞋子的利润。”这和比尔·盖茨的说法有着异曲同工之妙：“创意具有裂变效应，一盎司创意能够带来无以数计的商业利益、商业奇迹”。
《道德经.第三十六章》：“将欲翕之，必故张之；将欲弱之，必故强之；将欲废之，必故兴之；将欲夺之，必故与之。是谓微明。柔胜刚，弱胜强。鱼不可脱于渊，国之利器不可以示人。”创意在于打破常规思维定式，而进行出奇制胜的逆反思维。而如何培育逆反思维，则须具备“上德不德，是以有德；下德不失德，是以无德”的开放式心境（《道德经.第三十八章》）。
《道德经》还强调创意思维不可缺少的平衡之美，如：“知其雄，守其雌，为天下溪；知其白，守其黑，为天下式；知其荣，守其辱，为天下谷。”；“天之道，其犹张弓乎？高者抑之，下者举之；有余者损之，不足者补之。天之道，损有余而补不足。”
在新的商业经济游戏规则下，最终的胜出者必定是那些具备人文气质和偏执狂精神“象做艺术品一样来做产品”的公司。苹果电脑原首席执行官史蒂夫.乔布斯告诉我们：“光有科技是不够的。科技要和人文、艺术结婚，才能产生让我们的心为之歌唱的结果”。美、情感、艺术、个性正在成为创意经济的引领者。
四、以道经商：创意经济的智本家时代已经来临
《道德经》告诉我们：“道者，万物之奥，善人之宝……故立天子，置三公，虽有拱璧以先驷马，不如坐进此道。”；“道：常，无名，朴，虽小，天下不敢臣。侯王若能守之，万物将自宾。”；“道常无为而无不为，侯王若能守之，万物将自化。”
2010年1月，胡锦涛主席在视察上海“8号桥”创意园区时说：“创意产业蕴藏着巨大发展潜力。”当前，发达国家和地区政府相继提出发展创意产业的政策，将其视为对未来经济增长和创造就业机会具有重要贡献的经济增长领域，并以创意产业的规模和程度作为衡量一国综合竞争力的重要标志。创意经济时代的新理念、新技术、新商业模式、新文化形势和新产业形态，正在成为人类经济发展的强大动力。
资本的时代已经过去，一个强调虚空智慧，推崇创新美感、注重文化艺术对经济支持的“创意经济”时代已经来临。约翰.霍金斯在《创意经济》一书中明确指出，“我确信，在21世纪，一个国家只有设法将个体作为具有思想和创造力的人融入其经济体系，才能获得成功。”“在这种经济中，大部分人在大部分时间依靠创意而非地产或资本赚取大部分收入”。
在创意经济时代，以心智王天下的道商（智本家）们，将凭借和依托《道德经》及中国古代哲学智慧，“执古之道，以御今之有”。他们承载着“以道启心，以心启智，以智启财，以财启众，众皆归道”的历史使命，奉行“天之道，利而不害，圣人之道，为而不争”之原则，以道经商，照亮亿万人民的创新梦想，谱写中华民族新的辉煌!并为人类社会的文明与进步做出更大贡献!
作者简介：李海波，知名道学学者，职业谋士，中国道商知识体系创建人，国际道商文化研究院院长。主要著作有：《势—人生谋势之道》；《道商》等。
Saturday, November 26, 2011
道德经 - 策划 与 谋略
现代商务策划脱胎于中国古代的谋略智慧，有人说：中国是讲究“道德”的，其实不尽然，中国人是外“道德”而内“谋略”的，这个结论，完全符合我们中国的太极观。中国的历代智慧典籍中，讲得最多的就是谋略；国人的善谋、多谋，早已成为世界上公认的事实。所以，我们可以说：中国，是谋略的国度，策划的国度！
我们现代研究与推行商务策划，不但要吸收西方的战略、营销、企划等诸多优秀外来文化和技术，我个人提议，更要深入到我们中华传统的谋略思想法乳中，继承祖先留给我们的优秀文化遗产，创建有中国特色的，能够走向世界的中国商务策划知识体系。
记得史教授在谈到中国策划在世界上的地位时，有句名言：“中国的老子不仅是外国人的老子，连中国的孙子都被外国人当作老子”。这句话道出了中国策划的渊源和广博的影响力。不管是今天的WBSA，还是CBSA，都非常推崇兵圣孙武子“以正合，以奇胜”的谋略思维模式。但是，我今天要告诉大家的是，我们更应该深入到孙武子以前的谋略文化中，去寻找中华谋略文化的源头。因为，早在孙武子之前，生活在周朝的中国道家文化的开创者——老子，就已经在他的《道德经》中提出了“以正治国，以奇用兵”的观点。
商务策划要有道，这个道，就是规律。策，就是发现规律；划，就是导引潮流。在座的各位商务策划师们，都熟知这个观点。而老子的《道德经》哲学，也早已阐发出这样的观点：这就是，万事万物，首先要从道入手，先抓住纲，先把握住规律，做到心中有数；再手中有术，按照自然规律、客观规律去作为、去导引潮流。同时，在老子当时，也率先提出了“生态策划”的重要性，那就是在去作为的同时，还要做到“为而不争”，不要把自己的主观愿望强加于客观规律，不要用自己的私心去策划并妄图改变大自然的规律，从而导致生态平衡的破坏，阴阳平衡的扭曲变形而变得不“和谐”，否则，必将“为者败之，执者失之”，而酿成全局的失败。
根据我个人的研究心得，老子的《道德经》中的谋略思维观点，比比皆是，俯手可拾，在这里，我谨将《道德经》观点与我们现代商务策划体系中五大领域“战略——生态——融资——管理——营销”作一个简单的对比阐述。
老子的战略策划观点：
老子真是一位伟大的战略策划专家，在他看来，“治大国，若烹小鲜”，治理一个大的国家，就好象煎炸一条小鱼一样简单，为什么呢？因为他有道，有“战略”策划思维，“以道莅天下，其鬼不神”！“道：常，无名，朴，虽小，天下不敢臣”。这个战略看起来虽然无关紧要，甚至虚无飘渺的，但是，在策划中，祭出战略这个武器，天下却没有不臣服的。“执大象，天下往”！有了大的战略，就能够号令天下。所以，战略策划，是老子极为推崇的。
老子的生态策划观点：
“中和”、“和谐”、“执中守一”的观点，也是老子最先提出来的，《道德经》讲：“万物负阴而抱阳，中气以为和”！要策划出水平，不但要负阴抱阳正合奇胜，更要把握住中和的原则。中国文化的大义，也全在“中和”、“中庸”的火候把握上，“努力构建和谐社会”是我们现阶段提出的治国之大策略，“和气生财”是我们商务策划中的重要原则，那么，这个和是什么呢？非阴非阳，非奇非正，乃是阴谋与阳略的结合体，局部策划与整体策划的结合，企业策划与社会策划的结合，是个人价值与社会价值的结合……
要想实现真正的大策划，只有把握住中和的生态发展观，适时有度、天地人合一做全局筹划。否则，违背这个规律，就必将导致“物及必反”。如以前我们在政府策划中，过分的追求城市亮化形象工程，而对城市构成了新的光污染；过分追求GDP的增长而忽视城市自有生态，而大量耗费未来的城市发展资源；对企业经营的过度的负重性策划，导致策划与管理脱节，最终脱垮企业……所以，在《道德经》中，老子认为“多藏必厚亡”、“企者不立，跨者不行”：掂起脚后跟站着的人，是站不久的，迈开大步跨行的人，是走不远的，因为这都违背了自然的规律。过分的追求成功，反而会导致更大的失败！中国前些年的民营企业在企业壮大后的转型之死，就是一个对生态策划很好的注解。
老子的融资策划观：
策划学是“务虚”的学问，道家历来推崇“无”、“弱”、“虚”的思想，并认为“无中可以生出妙有，柔弱可以战胜刚强，虚能入实，小可博大，四两可以取千斤”，这些思想为历代策划谋略家所称道。如《道德经》中讲“反者道之动，弱者道之用，天下万物生于有，有生于无”。商务策划人要懂得识得和“动”、“用”事物发展的深层次规律，才能真正的虚无生妙有，化腐朽为神奇。真正的大手笔策划，都是从无中融资，发现资源、整合资源、利用资源，进而创造更大的资源优势的。“以道佐人主者，不以兵强天下。”完成一个大手笔的策划，并不是靠雄厚的资金砸出来的，如果不懂得策划融资而单凭一己之经济力量，必将“大军之后，必有凶年”。
老子的管理策划观：
在管理中，我们大家都推行“扁平化”管理，扁平化管理模式的老祖宗是谁呢？同样是老子，《道德经》说“为学日益，为道日损，损之又损，以至于无为，无为而无不为。”做学问是要越学越充实，而搞管理、搞策划，就是要学会把复杂的问题、复杂的事物、复杂的程序简单化，要损之又损，当简单到不能简单时，一切都将明了而容易了。但是，就这么简单的管理大道，许多人却并不去实行。“大道甚夷，而民好径”。（《道德经?第53章》）在管理制度上，我们一旦制订并推行某种制度，就不要去轻易更改和推翻它，因为“治大国，若烹小鲜”（《道德经?第60章》），管理的大智慧就好象在锅里煎炸小鱼一样，不要轻易的翻动它，搅扰它。作为管理的最高决策层，最好能够有效的授权你的下属去有为，而不要把自己搀杂到具体的事务中去，免得影响您的员工的自由发挥能力，一定要知道“太上，不知有之，其次，亲而誉之；其次，畏之……”（《道德经?第17章》）所以，在管理学界，有这样的话：高层的管理者，一定要学道家，以无为而治理；中层的管理者，一定要学儒家，以仁义来管理；基层的管理者，一定要学法家，以制度来管理。
老子的营销策划观：
按照我个人的理解，老子是一位伟大的营销策划家，《史记》中记载的老子虽然“自隐无名”，但是孔子对老子的三次问礼，西出函谷尹喜的强留著书及目前《道德经》在全世界图书的发行量之巨大，都折射出老子成功的营销智慧。关于营销的观点，在《道德经》中，可谓比比皆是。如“将欲弛之，必固张之；将欲弱之，必固强之；将欲废之，必固兴之；将欲夺之，必固与之”、这就是我们商务策划体系中的“拉销营销法”、“逆反法”的理论根基。并且认为这些营销谋略是不能轻易让别人知道的，“鱼不可脱于渊，国之利器不可以示人”。（《道德经?第36章》）“圣人无常心，以百姓心为心”（《道德经?第49章》），你的服务、产品要想营销成功，获得市场，首先要以“百姓心”为心，以市场心为心，以消费者心为心，如此，才可以根深蒂固。
同时，老子非常注重于品牌的建设，在他看来，品牌的重要性就好象是“含德之厚的赤子”一样，任何危害都很难伤及它，在建设品牌时，一定要有长期的战略打算并不能脱离实际的冒进，“善建者不拔，善抱者不脱”（《道德经?第54章》），在营销策划中，还应该进行伏笔策划，危机策划，以“为之于未有，治之于未乱”、“慎终如始，则无败事”。（《道德经?第64章》）
老子的《道德经》思想，也是现代“竞合”理论的最早提出者，认为“以道佐人主者，不以兵强天下”。反对竞争而崇尚竞合，推崇双赢和多赢。因为“天之道，利而不害；圣人之道，为而不争”，从道的角度讲，商业竞争中，没有永恒的朋友，也没有永恒的敌人，有的，更多是合作、共赢！
谢谢大家，希望我们能有更多的机会相聚一堂，交流更多的《道德经》的智慧思想。
一滴水，只有融入到大海中，才能获得永恒！
本文作者：李海波，战略管理学者、高级商务策划师、国家人事部人才流动中心“商务策划师”资质评价办公室评审专家、《亚洲新闻人物》杂志社福建办事处主任、上海道商文化传播有限公司总策划，中国道商谋略学知识体系倡导者。20余家经营管理门户网站专栏作者。
我们现代研究与推行商务策划，不但要吸收西方的战略、营销、企划等诸多优秀外来文化和技术，我个人提议，更要深入到我们中华传统的谋略思想法乳中，继承祖先留给我们的优秀文化遗产，创建有中国特色的，能够走向世界的中国商务策划知识体系。
记得史教授在谈到中国策划在世界上的地位时，有句名言：“中国的老子不仅是外国人的老子，连中国的孙子都被外国人当作老子”。这句话道出了中国策划的渊源和广博的影响力。不管是今天的WBSA，还是CBSA，都非常推崇兵圣孙武子“以正合，以奇胜”的谋略思维模式。但是，我今天要告诉大家的是，我们更应该深入到孙武子以前的谋略文化中，去寻找中华谋略文化的源头。因为，早在孙武子之前，生活在周朝的中国道家文化的开创者——老子，就已经在他的《道德经》中提出了“以正治国，以奇用兵”的观点。
商务策划要有道，这个道，就是规律。策，就是发现规律；划，就是导引潮流。在座的各位商务策划师们，都熟知这个观点。而老子的《道德经》哲学，也早已阐发出这样的观点：这就是，万事万物，首先要从道入手，先抓住纲，先把握住规律，做到心中有数；再手中有术，按照自然规律、客观规律去作为、去导引潮流。同时，在老子当时，也率先提出了“生态策划”的重要性，那就是在去作为的同时，还要做到“为而不争”，不要把自己的主观愿望强加于客观规律，不要用自己的私心去策划并妄图改变大自然的规律，从而导致生态平衡的破坏，阴阳平衡的扭曲变形而变得不“和谐”，否则，必将“为者败之，执者失之”，而酿成全局的失败。
根据我个人的研究心得，老子的《道德经》中的谋略思维观点，比比皆是，俯手可拾，在这里，我谨将《道德经》观点与我们现代商务策划体系中五大领域“战略——生态——融资——管理——营销”作一个简单的对比阐述。
老子的战略策划观点：
老子真是一位伟大的战略策划专家，在他看来，“治大国，若烹小鲜”，治理一个大的国家，就好象煎炸一条小鱼一样简单，为什么呢？因为他有道，有“战略”策划思维，“以道莅天下，其鬼不神”！“道：常，无名，朴，虽小，天下不敢臣”。这个战略看起来虽然无关紧要，甚至虚无飘渺的，但是，在策划中，祭出战略这个武器，天下却没有不臣服的。“执大象，天下往”！有了大的战略，就能够号令天下。所以，战略策划，是老子极为推崇的。
老子的生态策划观点：
“中和”、“和谐”、“执中守一”的观点，也是老子最先提出来的，《道德经》讲：“万物负阴而抱阳，中气以为和”！要策划出水平，不但要负阴抱阳正合奇胜，更要把握住中和的原则。中国文化的大义，也全在“中和”、“中庸”的火候把握上，“努力构建和谐社会”是我们现阶段提出的治国之大策略，“和气生财”是我们商务策划中的重要原则，那么，这个和是什么呢？非阴非阳，非奇非正，乃是阴谋与阳略的结合体，局部策划与整体策划的结合，企业策划与社会策划的结合，是个人价值与社会价值的结合……
要想实现真正的大策划，只有把握住中和的生态发展观，适时有度、天地人合一做全局筹划。否则，违背这个规律，就必将导致“物及必反”。如以前我们在政府策划中，过分的追求城市亮化形象工程，而对城市构成了新的光污染；过分追求GDP的增长而忽视城市自有生态，而大量耗费未来的城市发展资源；对企业经营的过度的负重性策划，导致策划与管理脱节，最终脱垮企业……所以，在《道德经》中，老子认为“多藏必厚亡”、“企者不立，跨者不行”：掂起脚后跟站着的人，是站不久的，迈开大步跨行的人，是走不远的，因为这都违背了自然的规律。过分的追求成功，反而会导致更大的失败！中国前些年的民营企业在企业壮大后的转型之死，就是一个对生态策划很好的注解。
老子的融资策划观：
策划学是“务虚”的学问，道家历来推崇“无”、“弱”、“虚”的思想，并认为“无中可以生出妙有，柔弱可以战胜刚强，虚能入实，小可博大，四两可以取千斤”，这些思想为历代策划谋略家所称道。如《道德经》中讲“反者道之动，弱者道之用，天下万物生于有，有生于无”。商务策划人要懂得识得和“动”、“用”事物发展的深层次规律，才能真正的虚无生妙有，化腐朽为神奇。真正的大手笔策划，都是从无中融资，发现资源、整合资源、利用资源，进而创造更大的资源优势的。“以道佐人主者，不以兵强天下。”完成一个大手笔的策划，并不是靠雄厚的资金砸出来的，如果不懂得策划融资而单凭一己之经济力量，必将“大军之后，必有凶年”。
老子的管理策划观：
在管理中，我们大家都推行“扁平化”管理，扁平化管理模式的老祖宗是谁呢？同样是老子，《道德经》说“为学日益，为道日损，损之又损，以至于无为，无为而无不为。”做学问是要越学越充实，而搞管理、搞策划，就是要学会把复杂的问题、复杂的事物、复杂的程序简单化，要损之又损，当简单到不能简单时，一切都将明了而容易了。但是，就这么简单的管理大道，许多人却并不去实行。“大道甚夷，而民好径”。（《道德经?第53章》）在管理制度上，我们一旦制订并推行某种制度，就不要去轻易更改和推翻它，因为“治大国，若烹小鲜”（《道德经?第60章》），管理的大智慧就好象在锅里煎炸小鱼一样，不要轻易的翻动它，搅扰它。作为管理的最高决策层，最好能够有效的授权你的下属去有为，而不要把自己搀杂到具体的事务中去，免得影响您的员工的自由发挥能力，一定要知道“太上，不知有之，其次，亲而誉之；其次，畏之……”（《道德经?第17章》）所以，在管理学界，有这样的话：高层的管理者，一定要学道家，以无为而治理；中层的管理者，一定要学儒家，以仁义来管理；基层的管理者，一定要学法家，以制度来管理。
老子的营销策划观：
按照我个人的理解，老子是一位伟大的营销策划家，《史记》中记载的老子虽然“自隐无名”，但是孔子对老子的三次问礼，西出函谷尹喜的强留著书及目前《道德经》在全世界图书的发行量之巨大，都折射出老子成功的营销智慧。关于营销的观点，在《道德经》中，可谓比比皆是。如“将欲弛之，必固张之；将欲弱之，必固强之；将欲废之，必固兴之；将欲夺之，必固与之”、这就是我们商务策划体系中的“拉销营销法”、“逆反法”的理论根基。并且认为这些营销谋略是不能轻易让别人知道的，“鱼不可脱于渊，国之利器不可以示人”。（《道德经?第36章》）“圣人无常心，以百姓心为心”（《道德经?第49章》），你的服务、产品要想营销成功，获得市场，首先要以“百姓心”为心，以市场心为心，以消费者心为心，如此，才可以根深蒂固。
同时，老子非常注重于品牌的建设，在他看来，品牌的重要性就好象是“含德之厚的赤子”一样，任何危害都很难伤及它，在建设品牌时，一定要有长期的战略打算并不能脱离实际的冒进，“善建者不拔，善抱者不脱”（《道德经?第54章》），在营销策划中，还应该进行伏笔策划，危机策划，以“为之于未有，治之于未乱”、“慎终如始，则无败事”。（《道德经?第64章》）
老子的《道德经》思想，也是现代“竞合”理论的最早提出者，认为“以道佐人主者，不以兵强天下”。反对竞争而崇尚竞合，推崇双赢和多赢。因为“天之道，利而不害；圣人之道，为而不争”，从道的角度讲，商业竞争中，没有永恒的朋友，也没有永恒的敌人，有的，更多是合作、共赢！
谢谢大家，希望我们能有更多的机会相聚一堂，交流更多的《道德经》的智慧思想。
一滴水，只有融入到大海中，才能获得永恒！
本文作者：李海波，战略管理学者、高级商务策划师、国家人事部人才流动中心“商务策划师”资质评价办公室评审专家、《亚洲新闻人物》杂志社福建办事处主任、上海道商文化传播有限公司总策划，中国道商谋略学知识体系倡导者。20余家经营管理门户网站专栏作者。
Sunday, October 30, 2011
Education Policy in Malaysia - an implementation enigma
Introduction
Policy in Malaysia is designed generally upon the requirement of the political and social structure and the future demand of the nations as a whole. Since Malaysian community is a multi-ethnic society; therefore, any public policy formulation has to be carefully studied by taking into consideration many factors such as political, social and economic factors to give an acceptable norm of satisfaction among its citizen. Therefore, this term paper will briefly explain the influence of all these factors that eventually set up the current education policy in Malaysia.
Malaysian Political System
In order to understand the public policy in Malaysia; therefore, it is essential to get a clear scenario on the country’s political system and its social structures. Malaysian political system is based on Parliamentary Democracy and is ruled as a Constitutional Monarchy with his Majesty the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (the King) as the Supreme Head of the country. Malaysia upholds federal constitution that divides authority into legislative, judicial and executive authorities. The doctrine of separation of power, check and balance are clearly stated in the Federal Constitution. Concept of federalism also becomes a basis for Government Administration between the state and the federal government. Such system is so effective to coordinate the public policy formulation and implementation processes with the assistance of the government machinery. Since independence (31 August 1957), National Front Party (Barisan Nasional), which composed of United Malay National Organization, Malaysian Chinese Association, Malaysian Indian Congress and other affiliation parties, has become the only ruling party in the country and three major races represent it: the Malay, the Chinese and the Indian. Malaysia’s total population is estimated at 20.56 million (1996). Three major races in Malaysia are the Bumiputras (sons of the soils) including Malay (59% or 12.13 million), the Chinese (26% or 5.34 million) and the Indian (8% or 1.52 million). The structure of the society has definitely influenced the development of the current Malaysian Education System through various series of events in reforming the education policy just to suit the current and the future demands of the nation.
Important Features of Policy Process
In Malaysia, the social and political systems are very closely related in formulating public policy. The establishment of public policy is complex due to involvement various interested parties during the process to derive to a decision. Public Policy in Malaysia can be created through one or combination of three processes. First is through political channel that means the policy is initiated through Cabinet orders or through the recommendation of several political reigning parties. Second is through administrative processes at the ministerial level. Since a policy has implication on the administrative machinery, the drafted policy is discussed at several high-level of government meetings. Third is through the combination of both processes via integrated interaction. Special Committees may be set up to study in-depth the policy before presenting it to the Cabinet. Hence, we can see in this paper that public policy in Malaysia such as Education Policy will always be revised from time to time adjusting itself to the contemporary requirement by applying these three processes.
In general, policy making process in Malaysia has to go through several stages such as identifying the arising problems, recommending suitable alternatives, implementing the suitable action policy, coordinating various events to suit the established policy and finally evaluating the effectiveness of such policy. Upon all processes, policy revision is vital nowadays due to the development of complex society in the modern era. Besides the policy process making, the roles played by certain groups are essential to provide a better input in the content of the policy. Generally three categories are identified: the politicians and government public administrators; the publics; and the related interest group. The first group is the major players to be responsible in ensuring the success of the policy implementation. This group can be refined as the Cabinet ministers, members of parliament, and high-level of government officials. The policy is implemented under the jurisdiction of the Constitution and government regulations. Under the Constitution, the federal, state and local governments are given constitutional rights to implement public policy. As for the publics, they can act individually or form interest groups to put forth their ideas and needs for government consideration. However, these individuals and interest groups do not automatically have the exact power to formulate a public policy or playing as a major actor. Still, their movement can sometimes get a kind of strong public support through their campaign and activities and they also can make the policymaker to understand a ground problem in a clear vision to resolve the arising problems. Now let us relate Malaysian education policy in a clear sense of its policy processes and implementations before and after independence.
Evolution of Malaysian Education Policy
During the British Colonialism, the government at that time identified a need to establish a systematic school system that would create a quality education for all races in the country. However it was made in the sense of satisfying the British interest not to the nation as a whole. In 1950, Barnes Committee headed by L.J.Barnes (Oxford University) was established to make a study upon meeting such requirement. Barnes Report was available in 1951 that highlighted the following recommendation. All Malay and English school would be preserved and should be given priority. Vernacular school would be closed and replaced by the National School. English would be the medium of instruction at the secondary level. Free education was guaranteed at the National School. The Chinese and the Indian felt dissatisfaction about such recommendation and voiced out that their system of education should also be emphasized. Fenn-Wuu Committee was then established to revise the education problem for the Chinese community. The committee recommended that the Malay, Chinese and Indian languages should simultaneously be a medium of instruction in the school system and therefore all schoolbooks should apply those languages. However, the government objected such proposal. In this case, the British administration had shown strong enforcement to implement its own education policy according to their interest not according to the nation’s interest.
At the end of British colonialism era, the society, especially from several group of educated Malay made a movement to revamp the colonial education system. The essence of having a new national education policy was to make it more representative to the nation. Such movement had made the education issue to be prioritized in the aspect of nation building. Hence, the government agreed to set up a special committee led by Tun Abdul Razak (first Minister of Education and the second Prime Minister of Malaysia) to make several recommendations. This committee composed of high level of government officials and education experts from various groups (local and foreign). This comprehensive recommendation was known as Razak’s Report 1956. The objective of this committee was to establish a national education system that would promote the cultural, social, economic and political development accepted by the nation as a whole, having regard that the Malay language would be the national language. Hence, Malay language should be the main medium of instruction in the education system. The content of the Razak’s Report was later became the basis feature to establish the Education Ordinance 1957. Furthermore, the Malaysian Government at that time started to make several evolutionary changes especially upon educational curriculum to suit the aspiration of the Malaysian outlook. Education Policy should reflect to the satisfaction of all society in Malaysia and this had become a part of the political agenda for the ruling party.
To speed up the process of national integration and unity, the Rahman Talib’s Report was made by new special committee to review the education policy in 1960 and became a basis to establish the Education Act 1961. The act provided the legal basis for enabling national language to be a compulsory subject in primary and secondary school and in all training institutions. The act required pupils to have a satisfied grade in national language subject to be awarded a certificate for public education examination especially at the end of the lower and upper secondary levels. All School using English as the medium of instruction were gradually adopting National language. Since national language is Malay and had already accepted by the Chinese, Indian and other races; therefore, such enforcement will enable the society as a whole to shape up the language proficiency in the Malay language.
In 1979, a report from the Special Cabinet Committee chaired by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad (Mahathir’s Report), who was the Minister of Education at that time (later become a Prime Minister since 1981), was finalized after a six-year study. The objectives were to achieve national unity in a multiethnic society besides increase the sense of patriotism, to produce skilled manpower for national development and to further extend the policy of democratization of education in order to strike a balance in all aspects of education between rural and urban areas. This report has become a guideline for reforming the education system in the recent years. In 1995 and 1996, the Education Act was amended to give sufficient need to meet the challenges in the 21st century beside making Malaysia as a center of excellence to the world. The national education philosophy indicates that it is essential to develop potential individuals who are responsible and capable of achieving high level of personal well-being as well as being able to contribute to the harmony and betterment of the family, the society and the nation at large. Pre-school education has become one of the important components of the formal education system after the Education Act in 1996 enacted. It guarantees access of pre-school education to children between the age of five and six in urban and rural area. This will guarantee that the rural society will get the same opportunity to develop their social status by having quality education. The New Primary and Secondary Education Curriculums have been introduced to focus on developing skilled and knowledge manpower for the nation.
From the brief explanation above, we can analyze that the education policy in Malaysia is always being changed from time to time in order to meet the current and the future demands. We also can observe that such policy will be effectively implemented through collaboration among races and also through enforcing it by legal binding.
Examplification of Policy Process Related to Education Reform
In brief, Public Policy in Malaysia can be created through legal action, planning, program and project. The implementation of education policy combines most of the factors mentioned above. Education Policy was initiated structurally through a set up of special committee that proposed several recommendations. Minister and Public Administrators in the Ministry of Education were held responsible to overview such recommendations. Several inputs were given by a group of experts (interest group) especially from the National Union of the Teacher Profession (NUTP) to strengthen the policy content. Finally, the proposed policy that portrayed a set of guidelines was put forth for the Cabinet approval and the Cabinet composed of Ministers that represent the affiliation political parties in the National Front Party. Therefore once decision is derived, it would be considered as representative to the nation at large. To enforce it, a set of regulations was introduced. Education Policy was then strengthened by the enforcement of Education Act.
To simplify, the Education Act 1996 was prepared in conjunction to the guideline set in the Education Policy. Public Administrators in the Ministry of Education were responsible to gather related materials to compose the drafted bill in two versions: Malay and English with the assistance from the expertise of the Attorney’s General Office before presenting it to the Cabinet. After having such draft, a memorandum (recommendation paper) was prepared to justify the concerned education bill and was sent to the related ministries and central agency such as Ministry of Finance, Economic Planning Unit, Implementation and Coordination Units, Attorney’s General Office; etc to get an advisory comment. The feedback is important to guide the Cabinet before making a decision. This Bill was prepared before the Parliament session begins, usually in one month before the session started. The Bill indicated certain parts of the existing law to be amended, if it involved amendments. After information was gathered, the Minister of Education gave approval to forward the memorandum and the drafted bill at the Cabinet weekly meeting (Wednesday) after getting the clearance from the Cabinet Secretariat. This secretariat is under the Cabinet, Constitution and Inter Government Relation Division, Prime Minister Department headed by the Chief Secretary to the Government who is also the Head of the Government Civil Service. When Cabinet approved the bill, the decision was conveyed to the Ministry and the Ministries concerned. The Ministry of Education proceeded to obtain a notice of Presentation on the Bill to the House of Representative and the Senate Office for debate and approval in both houses during the Parliament Session. The bill was passed by both houses (more 2/3 vote) and was submitted to His Majesty the Yang di-Pertuan Agong for the Royal Assent. The bill became law after gazetted. Finally, the decision was conveyed administratively to related parties and through several high-level of government meetings such as Meeting of the State Chief Minister; Meeting of Secretary-Generals of Ministries and Heads Of Services; Meeting of Heads of Federal Departments; Meeting of Chief Executives of Federal Statutory Bodies; and Meeting of Liaison Committee Between Federal and State Government.
Conclusion
Education reformation between countries may be different due to the characteristics of the nation, political and socio-economic establishment within one state. Hence, any kind of proposals on reforming education system in Malaysia has to be justifiable within the scope of the main vision of the country; in another word, the national policy. One way to collaborate is to proceed along the line with the vision of the country that has already been accepted by the whole nation and through structurally effective government machinery that has main players (the actors) to formulate and implement the policy effectively and efficiently.
Azman Mohd. Yusof
Policy Science
Graduate School of Policy Science, Saitama University
25 February 1998
Policy in Malaysia is designed generally upon the requirement of the political and social structure and the future demand of the nations as a whole. Since Malaysian community is a multi-ethnic society; therefore, any public policy formulation has to be carefully studied by taking into consideration many factors such as political, social and economic factors to give an acceptable norm of satisfaction among its citizen. Therefore, this term paper will briefly explain the influence of all these factors that eventually set up the current education policy in Malaysia.
Malaysian Political System
In order to understand the public policy in Malaysia; therefore, it is essential to get a clear scenario on the country’s political system and its social structures. Malaysian political system is based on Parliamentary Democracy and is ruled as a Constitutional Monarchy with his Majesty the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (the King) as the Supreme Head of the country. Malaysia upholds federal constitution that divides authority into legislative, judicial and executive authorities. The doctrine of separation of power, check and balance are clearly stated in the Federal Constitution. Concept of federalism also becomes a basis for Government Administration between the state and the federal government. Such system is so effective to coordinate the public policy formulation and implementation processes with the assistance of the government machinery. Since independence (31 August 1957), National Front Party (Barisan Nasional), which composed of United Malay National Organization, Malaysian Chinese Association, Malaysian Indian Congress and other affiliation parties, has become the only ruling party in the country and three major races represent it: the Malay, the Chinese and the Indian. Malaysia’s total population is estimated at 20.56 million (1996). Three major races in Malaysia are the Bumiputras (sons of the soils) including Malay (59% or 12.13 million), the Chinese (26% or 5.34 million) and the Indian (8% or 1.52 million). The structure of the society has definitely influenced the development of the current Malaysian Education System through various series of events in reforming the education policy just to suit the current and the future demands of the nation.
Important Features of Policy Process
In Malaysia, the social and political systems are very closely related in formulating public policy. The establishment of public policy is complex due to involvement various interested parties during the process to derive to a decision. Public Policy in Malaysia can be created through one or combination of three processes. First is through political channel that means the policy is initiated through Cabinet orders or through the recommendation of several political reigning parties. Second is through administrative processes at the ministerial level. Since a policy has implication on the administrative machinery, the drafted policy is discussed at several high-level of government meetings. Third is through the combination of both processes via integrated interaction. Special Committees may be set up to study in-depth the policy before presenting it to the Cabinet. Hence, we can see in this paper that public policy in Malaysia such as Education Policy will always be revised from time to time adjusting itself to the contemporary requirement by applying these three processes.
In general, policy making process in Malaysia has to go through several stages such as identifying the arising problems, recommending suitable alternatives, implementing the suitable action policy, coordinating various events to suit the established policy and finally evaluating the effectiveness of such policy. Upon all processes, policy revision is vital nowadays due to the development of complex society in the modern era. Besides the policy process making, the roles played by certain groups are essential to provide a better input in the content of the policy. Generally three categories are identified: the politicians and government public administrators; the publics; and the related interest group. The first group is the major players to be responsible in ensuring the success of the policy implementation. This group can be refined as the Cabinet ministers, members of parliament, and high-level of government officials. The policy is implemented under the jurisdiction of the Constitution and government regulations. Under the Constitution, the federal, state and local governments are given constitutional rights to implement public policy. As for the publics, they can act individually or form interest groups to put forth their ideas and needs for government consideration. However, these individuals and interest groups do not automatically have the exact power to formulate a public policy or playing as a major actor. Still, their movement can sometimes get a kind of strong public support through their campaign and activities and they also can make the policymaker to understand a ground problem in a clear vision to resolve the arising problems. Now let us relate Malaysian education policy in a clear sense of its policy processes and implementations before and after independence.
Evolution of Malaysian Education Policy
During the British Colonialism, the government at that time identified a need to establish a systematic school system that would create a quality education for all races in the country. However it was made in the sense of satisfying the British interest not to the nation as a whole. In 1950, Barnes Committee headed by L.J.Barnes (Oxford University) was established to make a study upon meeting such requirement. Barnes Report was available in 1951 that highlighted the following recommendation. All Malay and English school would be preserved and should be given priority. Vernacular school would be closed and replaced by the National School. English would be the medium of instruction at the secondary level. Free education was guaranteed at the National School. The Chinese and the Indian felt dissatisfaction about such recommendation and voiced out that their system of education should also be emphasized. Fenn-Wuu Committee was then established to revise the education problem for the Chinese community. The committee recommended that the Malay, Chinese and Indian languages should simultaneously be a medium of instruction in the school system and therefore all schoolbooks should apply those languages. However, the government objected such proposal. In this case, the British administration had shown strong enforcement to implement its own education policy according to their interest not according to the nation’s interest.
At the end of British colonialism era, the society, especially from several group of educated Malay made a movement to revamp the colonial education system. The essence of having a new national education policy was to make it more representative to the nation. Such movement had made the education issue to be prioritized in the aspect of nation building. Hence, the government agreed to set up a special committee led by Tun Abdul Razak (first Minister of Education and the second Prime Minister of Malaysia) to make several recommendations. This committee composed of high level of government officials and education experts from various groups (local and foreign). This comprehensive recommendation was known as Razak’s Report 1956. The objective of this committee was to establish a national education system that would promote the cultural, social, economic and political development accepted by the nation as a whole, having regard that the Malay language would be the national language. Hence, Malay language should be the main medium of instruction in the education system. The content of the Razak’s Report was later became the basis feature to establish the Education Ordinance 1957. Furthermore, the Malaysian Government at that time started to make several evolutionary changes especially upon educational curriculum to suit the aspiration of the Malaysian outlook. Education Policy should reflect to the satisfaction of all society in Malaysia and this had become a part of the political agenda for the ruling party.
To speed up the process of national integration and unity, the Rahman Talib’s Report was made by new special committee to review the education policy in 1960 and became a basis to establish the Education Act 1961. The act provided the legal basis for enabling national language to be a compulsory subject in primary and secondary school and in all training institutions. The act required pupils to have a satisfied grade in national language subject to be awarded a certificate for public education examination especially at the end of the lower and upper secondary levels. All School using English as the medium of instruction were gradually adopting National language. Since national language is Malay and had already accepted by the Chinese, Indian and other races; therefore, such enforcement will enable the society as a whole to shape up the language proficiency in the Malay language.
In 1979, a report from the Special Cabinet Committee chaired by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad (Mahathir’s Report), who was the Minister of Education at that time (later become a Prime Minister since 1981), was finalized after a six-year study. The objectives were to achieve national unity in a multiethnic society besides increase the sense of patriotism, to produce skilled manpower for national development and to further extend the policy of democratization of education in order to strike a balance in all aspects of education between rural and urban areas. This report has become a guideline for reforming the education system in the recent years. In 1995 and 1996, the Education Act was amended to give sufficient need to meet the challenges in the 21st century beside making Malaysia as a center of excellence to the world. The national education philosophy indicates that it is essential to develop potential individuals who are responsible and capable of achieving high level of personal well-being as well as being able to contribute to the harmony and betterment of the family, the society and the nation at large. Pre-school education has become one of the important components of the formal education system after the Education Act in 1996 enacted. It guarantees access of pre-school education to children between the age of five and six in urban and rural area. This will guarantee that the rural society will get the same opportunity to develop their social status by having quality education. The New Primary and Secondary Education Curriculums have been introduced to focus on developing skilled and knowledge manpower for the nation.
From the brief explanation above, we can analyze that the education policy in Malaysia is always being changed from time to time in order to meet the current and the future demands. We also can observe that such policy will be effectively implemented through collaboration among races and also through enforcing it by legal binding.
Examplification of Policy Process Related to Education Reform
In brief, Public Policy in Malaysia can be created through legal action, planning, program and project. The implementation of education policy combines most of the factors mentioned above. Education Policy was initiated structurally through a set up of special committee that proposed several recommendations. Minister and Public Administrators in the Ministry of Education were held responsible to overview such recommendations. Several inputs were given by a group of experts (interest group) especially from the National Union of the Teacher Profession (NUTP) to strengthen the policy content. Finally, the proposed policy that portrayed a set of guidelines was put forth for the Cabinet approval and the Cabinet composed of Ministers that represent the affiliation political parties in the National Front Party. Therefore once decision is derived, it would be considered as representative to the nation at large. To enforce it, a set of regulations was introduced. Education Policy was then strengthened by the enforcement of Education Act.
To simplify, the Education Act 1996 was prepared in conjunction to the guideline set in the Education Policy. Public Administrators in the Ministry of Education were responsible to gather related materials to compose the drafted bill in two versions: Malay and English with the assistance from the expertise of the Attorney’s General Office before presenting it to the Cabinet. After having such draft, a memorandum (recommendation paper) was prepared to justify the concerned education bill and was sent to the related ministries and central agency such as Ministry of Finance, Economic Planning Unit, Implementation and Coordination Units, Attorney’s General Office; etc to get an advisory comment. The feedback is important to guide the Cabinet before making a decision. This Bill was prepared before the Parliament session begins, usually in one month before the session started. The Bill indicated certain parts of the existing law to be amended, if it involved amendments. After information was gathered, the Minister of Education gave approval to forward the memorandum and the drafted bill at the Cabinet weekly meeting (Wednesday) after getting the clearance from the Cabinet Secretariat. This secretariat is under the Cabinet, Constitution and Inter Government Relation Division, Prime Minister Department headed by the Chief Secretary to the Government who is also the Head of the Government Civil Service. When Cabinet approved the bill, the decision was conveyed to the Ministry and the Ministries concerned. The Ministry of Education proceeded to obtain a notice of Presentation on the Bill to the House of Representative and the Senate Office for debate and approval in both houses during the Parliament Session. The bill was passed by both houses (more 2/3 vote) and was submitted to His Majesty the Yang di-Pertuan Agong for the Royal Assent. The bill became law after gazetted. Finally, the decision was conveyed administratively to related parties and through several high-level of government meetings such as Meeting of the State Chief Minister; Meeting of Secretary-Generals of Ministries and Heads Of Services; Meeting of Heads of Federal Departments; Meeting of Chief Executives of Federal Statutory Bodies; and Meeting of Liaison Committee Between Federal and State Government.
Conclusion
Education reformation between countries may be different due to the characteristics of the nation, political and socio-economic establishment within one state. Hence, any kind of proposals on reforming education system in Malaysia has to be justifiable within the scope of the main vision of the country; in another word, the national policy. One way to collaborate is to proceed along the line with the vision of the country that has already been accepted by the whole nation and through structurally effective government machinery that has main players (the actors) to formulate and implement the policy effectively and efficiently.
Azman Mohd. Yusof
Policy Science
Graduate School of Policy Science, Saitama University
25 February 1998
Tuesday, October 11, 2011
道德经 Dao De Jing (Tao Te Ching)
Tao Te Ching
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
道德经 Dàodéjīng
The Tao Te Ching, Dao De Jing, or Daodejing (道德經), also simply referred to as Laozi,[1] whose authorship has been attributed to Laozi,[2] is a Chinese classic text. Its name comes from the opening words of its two sections: 道 dào "way," Chapter 1, and 德 dé "virtue/power," Chapter 38, plus 經 jīng "classic." According to tradition, it was written around the 6th century BC by the sage Laozi (or Lao Tzu, "Old Master"), a record-keeper at the Zhou Dynasty court, by whose name the text is known in China. The text's true authorship and date of composition or compilation are still debated,[3] although the oldest excavated text dates back to the late 4th century BC.[1]
The text is fundamental to the Philosophical Taoism (Daojia (Pinyin: Dàojiā) 道家) and strongly influenced other schools, such as Legalism and Neo-Confucianism. This ancient book is also central in Chinese religion, not only for Religious Daoism (Daojiao (Pinyin: Dàojiào) 道教) but Chinese Buddhism, which when first introduced into China was largely interpreted through the use of Daoist words and concepts. Many Chinese artists, including poets, painters, calligraphers, and even gardeners have used the Daodejing as a source of inspiration. Its influence has also spread widely outside East Asia, and is amongst the most translated works in world literature.[1]
The Wade–Giles romanization "Tao Te Ching" dates back to early English transliterations in the late 19th century, and many people continue using it, especially for words and phrases that have become well-established in English. The pinyin romanization "Daodejing" originated in the late 20th century, and this romanization is becoming increasingly popular, having been adopted as the official system by the Chinese government.
Contents
[hide] 1 The text 1.1 Title
1.2 Internal structure
1.3 Historical authenticity of the author
1.4 Principal versions
1.5 Mawangdui and Guodian texts
1.6 Written style
2 Interpretation and themes 2.1 Ineffability or Genesis
2.2 The Mysterious Female
2.3 Returning (Union with the Primordial)
2.4 Emptiness
2.5 Knowledge and humility
2.6 Interpretations in relation to religious traditions
3 Translations 3.1 Translational difficulties
4 See also
5 Notes
6 References
7 External links 7.1 Online English translations
[edit] The text
The Daodejing has a long and complex textual history. On one hand, there are transmitted versions and commentaries that date back two millennia; on the other, there are ancient bamboo, silk, and paper manuscripts that archeologists discovered in the last century.
[edit] Title
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"Tao Te Ching", Calligraphy by Gia-Fu Feng
There are many possible translations of the book's title:
Dào/Tao 道 literally means "way", or one of its synonyms, but was extended to mean "the Way." This term, which was variously used by other Chinese philosophers (including Confucius, Mencius, Mozi, and Hanfeizi), has special meaning within the context of Daoism, where it implies the essential, unnamable process of the universe.
Dé/Te 德 basically means "virtue" in the sense of "personal character," "inner strength" (virtuosity), or "integrity." The semantics of this Chinese word resemble English virtue, which developed from a (now archaic) sense of "inner potency" or "divine power" (as in "healing virtue of a drug") to the modern meaning of "moral excellence" or "goodness." Compare the compound word dàodé (道德 "ethics," "ethical principles," "morals," or "morality").
Jīng/Ching 經 as it is used here means "canon," "great book," or "classic."
Thus, Daodejing can be translated as "The Classic/Canon of the Way/Path and the Power/Virtue," etc.
The title Daodejing is an honorific given by posterity, other titles include the amalgam Lǎozǐ Dàodéjīng (老子道德經), the honorific Daode Zhen Jing (道德真經 "True Classic of the Way and the Power"), and the Wuqian wen (五千文 "Five thousand character [classic]").
[edit] Internal structure
The received Tao Te Ching is a short text of around 5,000 Chinese characters in 81 brief chapters or sections (章). There is some evidence that the chapter divisions were later additions - for commentary, or as aids to rote memorization - and that the original text was more fluidly organized. It has two parts, the Tao Ching (道經; chaps. 1–37) and the Te Ching (德經; chaps. 38–81), which may have been edited together into the received text, possibly reversed from an original "Te Tao Ching". The written style is laconic, has few grammatical particles, and encourages varied, even contradictory interpretations. The ideas are singular; the style poetic.
The Chinese characters in the original versions were probably written in zhuànshū (篆書 seal script), while later versions were written in lìshū (隷書 clerical script) and kǎishū (楷書 regular script) styles. Daoist Chinese Characters contains a good summary of these different calligraphies.
[edit] Historical authenticity of the author
The Tao Te Ching is ascribed to Laozi, whose historical existence has been a matter of scholastic debate. His name, which means "Old Master", has only fueled controversy on this issue. (Kaltenmark 1969:10).
Laozi
The first reliable reference to Laozi is his "biography" in Shiji (63, tr. Chan 1963:35-37), by Chinese historian Sima Qian (ca. 145–86 BC), which combines three stories. First, Laozi was a contemporary of Confucius (551-479 BC). His surname was Li (李 "plum"), and his personal name was Er (耳 "ear") or Dan (聃 "long ear"). He was an official in the imperial archives, and wrote a book in two parts before departing to the West. Second, Laozi was Lao Laizi (老來子 "Old Come Master"), also a contemporary of Confucius, who wrote a book in 15 parts. Third, Laozi was the Grand Historian and astrologer Lao Dan (老聃 "Old Long-ears"), who lived during the reign (384-362 BC) of Duke Xian (獻公) of Qin).
Generations of scholars have debated the historicity of Laozi and the dating of the Tao Te Ching. Linguistic studies of the text's vocabulary and rhyme scheme point to a date of composition after the Shi Jing yet before the Zhuangzi. Legends claim variously that Laozi was "born old"; that he lived for 996 years, with twelve previous incarnations starting around the time of the Three Sovereigns before the thirteenth as Laozi. Some Western scholars have expressed doubts over Laozi's historical existence, claiming that the Tao Te Ching is actually a collection of the work of various authors.
Many Taoists venerate Laozi as Daotsu the founder of the school of Dao, the Daode Tianjun in the Three Pure Ones, one of the eight elders transformed from Taiji in the Chinese creation myth.
[edit] Principal versions
Among the many transmitted editions of the Tao Te Ching text, the three primary ones are named after early commentaries. The "Yan Zun Version," which is only extant for the Te Ching, derives from a commentary attributed to Han Dynasty scholar Yan Zun (巖尊, fl. 80 BC-10 AD). The "Heshang Gong Version" is named after the legendary Heshang Gong (河上公 "Riverside Sage") who supposedly lived during the reign (202-157 BC) of Emperor Wen of Han. This commentary (tr. Erkes 1950) has a preface written by Ge Xuan (葛玄, 164-244 AD), granduncle of Ge Hong, and scholarship dates this version to around the 3rd century AD. The "Wang Bi Version" has more verifiable origins than either of the above. Wang Bi (王弼, 226 – 249 AD) was a famous Three Kingdoms period philosopher and commentator on the Tao Te Ching (tr. Lin 1977, Rump and Chan 1979) and the I Ching.
Tao Te Ching scholarship has lately advanced from archeological discoveries of manuscripts, some of which are older than any of the received texts. Beginning in the 1920s and 1930s, Marc Aurel Stein and others found thousands of scrolls in the Mogao Caves near Dunhuang. They included more than 50 partial and complete "Tao Te Ching" manuscripts. One written by the scribe So/Su Dan (素統) is dated 270 AD and corresponds closely with the Heshang Gong version. Another partial manuscript has the Xiang'er (想爾) commentary, which had previously been lost.
[edit] Mawangdui and Guodian texts
In 1973, archeologists discovered copies of early Chinese books, known as the Mawangdui Silk Texts, in a tomb dating from 168 BC.[1] They included two nearly complete copies of the text, referred to as Text A (甲) and Text B (乙), both of which reverse the traditional ordering and put the Te Ching section before the Tao Ching, which is why the Henricks translation of them is named "Te-Tao Ching". Based on calligraphic styles and imperial naming taboo avoidances, scholars believe that A can be dated to about the first decade and B to about the third decade of the 2nd century BC.[4]
In 1993, the oldest known version of the text, written on bamboo tablets, was found in a tomb near the town of Guodian (郭店) in Jingmen, Hubei, and dated prior to 300 BC.[1] The Guodian Chu Slips comprise about 800 slips of bamboo with a total of over 13,000 characters, about 2,000 of which correspond with the Tao Te Ching, including 14 previously unknown verses.
Both the Mawangdui and Guodian versions are generally consistent with the received texts, excepting differences in chapter sequence and graphic variants. Several recent Tao Te Ching translations (e.g., Lau 1989, Henricks 1989, Mair 1990, Henricks 2000, Allan and Williams 2000, and Roberts 2004) utilize these two versions, sometimes with the verses reordered to synthesize the new finds.
[edit] Written style
The Tao Te Ching was originally written in zhuànshū calligraphy style. It is difficult to obtain modern replicas of these styles except through specialty stores. Most modern versions use the newspaper print style kǎishū.
[edit] Interpretation and themes
The passages are ambiguous, and topics range from political advice for rulers to practical wisdom for people. Because the variety of interpretation is virtually limitless, not only for different people but for the same person over time, readers do well to avoid making claims of objectivity or superiority. Also, since the book is 81 short poems, there is little need for an abridgement.
[edit] Ineffability or Genesis
The Way that can be told of is not an unvarying way; The names that can be named are not unvarying names. It was from the Nameless that Heaven and Earth sprang; The named is but the mother that rears the ten thousand creatures, each after its kind. (chap. 1, tr. Waley)
These famous first lines of the Tao Te Ching state that the Tao is ineffable, i.e., the Tao is nameless, goes beyond distinctions, and transcends language. However this first verse does not occur in the earliest known version from the Guodian Chu Slips and there is speculation that it may have been added by later commentators.[5] In Laozi's Qingjing Jing (verse 1-8) he clarified the term Tao was nominated as he was trying to describe a state of existence before it happened and before time or space. Way or path happened to be the side meaning of Tao, ineffability would be just poetic. This is the Chinese creation myth from the primordial Tao.
[edit] The Mysterious Female
The Valley Spirit never dies It is named the Mysterious Female. And the doorway of the Mysterious Female Is the base from which Heaven and Earth sprang. It is there within us all the while; Draw upon it as you will, it never runs dry. (chap. 6, tr. Waley)
Like the above description of the ineffable Tao as "the mother that rears the ten thousand creatures", the Tao Te Ching advocates "female" (or Yin) values, emphasizing the passive, solid, and quiescent qualities of nature (which is opposed to the active and energetic), and "having without possessing". Waley's translation can also be understood as the Esoteric Feminine in that it can be known intuitively, that must be complemented by the masculine, "male" (or Yang), again amplified in Qingjing Jing (verse 9-13). Yin and Yang should be balanced, "Know masculinity, Maintain femininity, and be a ravine for all under heaven." (chap. 28, tr. Mair)
[edit] Returning (Union with the Primordial)
In Tao the only motion is returning; The only useful quality, weakness. For though all creatures under heaven are the products of Being, Being itself is the product of Not-being. " (chap. 40, tr. Waley)
Another theme is the eternal return, or what Mair (1990:139) calls "the continual return of the myriad creatures to the cosmic principle from which they arose."
There is a contrast between the rigidity of death and the weakness of life: "When he is born, man is soft and weak; in death he becomes stiff and hard. The ten thousand creatures and all plants and trees while they are alive are supple and soft, but when dead they become brittle and dry." (chap. 76, tr. Waley). This is returning to the beginning of things, or to one's own childhood.
The Tao Te Ching focuses upon the beginnings of society, and describes a golden age in the past, comparable with the ideas of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Human problems arose from the "invention" of culture and civilization. In this idealized past, “the people should have no use for any form of writing save knotted ropes, should be contented with their food, pleased with their clothing, satisfied with their homes, should take pleasure in their rustic tasks." (chap. 80, tr. Waley)
[edit] Emptiness
We put thirty spokes together and call it a wheel; But it is on the space where there is nothing that the usefulness of the wheel depends. We turn clay to make a vessel; But it is on the space where there is nothing that the usefulness of the vessel depends. We pierce doors and windows to make a house; And it is on these spaces where there is nothing that the usefulness of the house depends. Therefore just as we take advantage of what is, we should recognize the usefulness of what is not. (chap. 11, tr. Waley)
Philosophical vacuity is a common theme among Asian wisdom traditions including Taoism (especially Wu wei "effortless action"), Buddhism, and some aspects of Confucianism. One could interpret the Tao Te Ching as a suite of variations on the "Powers of Nothingness". This resonates with the Buddhist Shunyata philosophy of "form is emptiness, emptiness is form."
Looking at a traditional Chinese Landscape, one can understand how emptiness (the unpainted) has the power of animating the trees, mountains, and rivers it surrounds. Emptiness can mean having no fixed preconceptions, preferences, intentions, or agenda. Since "The Sage has no heart of his own; He uses the heart of the people as his heart." (chap. 49, tr. Waley). From a ruler's point of view, it is a laissez-faire approach:
So a wise leader may say: "I practice inaction, and the people look after themselves." But from the Sage it is so hard at any price to get a single word That when his task is accomplished, his work done, Throughout the country every one says: “It happened of its own accord”. (chap. 17, tr. Waley)
[edit] Knowledge and humility
Knowing others is wisdom; Knowing the self is enlightenment. Mastering others requires force; Mastering the self requires strength; He who knows he has enough is rich. Perseverance is a sign of will power. He who stays where he is endures. To die but not to perish is to be eternally present. (chap. 33, tr. Feng and English)
The Tao Te Ching praises self-gained knowledge with emphasis on that knowledge being gained with humility. When what one person has experienced is put into words and transmitted to others, so doing risks giving unwarranted status to what inevitably must have had a subjective tinge. Moreover, it will be subjected to another layer of interpretation and subjectivity when read and learned by others. This kind of knowledge (or "book learning"), like desire, should be diminished. "It was when intelligence and knowledge appeared that the Great Artifice began." (chap. 18, tr. Waley) And so, "The pursuit of learning is to increase day after day. The pursuit of Tao is to decrease day after day." (chap. 48, tr. W.T. Chan)
[edit] Interpretations in relation to religious traditions
The relation between Taoism and Buddhism and Chan Buddhism is complex and fertile. Similarly, the relationship between Taoism and Confucianism is richly interwoven, historically.
In 1823 the French sinologist Jean-Pierre-Abel Rémusat suggested a relationship between Abrahamic faiths and Taoism; he held that Yahweh was signified by three words in Chapter 14; yi (夷 "calm; level; barbarian"), xi (希 "rare; indiscernible; hope"), and wei (微 "tiny, small; obscure"). James Legge (1891:57-58[6]) dismissed this hypothetical yi-xi-wei and Yahweh connection as "a mere fancy or dream". According to Holmes Welch:
It is not hard to understand the readiness of early scholars to assert that the doctrine of the Trinity was revealed in the Tao Te Ching and that its fourteenth chapter contains the syllables of "Yahveh." Even today, though these errors have been recognized for more than a century, the general notion that Lao Tzu was Christ's forerunner has lost none of its romantic appeal. (1965:7)
[edit] Translations
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Tao Te Ching
The Tao Te Ching has been translated into Western languages over 250 times, mostly to English, German, and French.[7] According to Holmes Welch, "It is a famous puzzle which everyone would like to feel he had solved."[8]
Many translations are written by people with a foundation in Chinese language and philosophy who are trying to render the original meaning of the text as faithfully as possible into English. Some of the more popular translations are written from a less scholarly perspective, giving an individual author's interpretation. Critics of these versions, such as Taoism scholar Eugene Eoyang, claim that translators like Stephen Mitchell produce readings of the Tao Te Ching that deviate from the text and are incompatible with the history of Chinese thought.[9] Russell Kirkland goes further to argue that these versions are based on Western Orientalist fantasies, and represent the colonial appropriation of Chinese culture.[10][11] In contrast, Huston Smith, scholar of world religions, said of the Mitchell version, "This translation comes as close to being definitive for our time as any I can imagine. It embodies the virtues its translator credits to the Chinese original: a gemlike lucidity that is radiant with humor, grace, largeheartedness, and deep wisdom." —Other Taoism scholars, such as Michael LaFargue[12] and Johnathan Herman,[13] argue that while they are poor scholarship they meet a real spiritual need in the West. The most recent translation is by Bill Porter (Red Pine) (Copper Canyon Press, 2009) and distinguishes itself in its extensive commentary by scores of poets, monks, and Chinese scholars.[14] There are a handful of sites on the web that compare chapters translated by various authors such as TaoTeChingMe.com[15] and Waylist.org. [16]
[edit] Translational difficulties
The Tao Te Ching is written in classical Chinese, which can be difficult to understand completely, even for well-educated native speakers of modern Chinese. In fact, in learning classical Chinese, native speakers can be at a disadvantage relative to non-native speakers, as native speakers often have difficulty with Chinese characters whose older meaning differs from the modern language. Classical Chinese relies heavily on allusion to a corpus of standard literary works to convey semantic meaning, nuance, and subtext. This corpus was memorized by highly-educated people in Laozi's time, and the allusions were reinforced through common use in writing, but few people today have this type of deep acquaintance with ancient Chinese literature. Thus, many levels of subtext are potentially lost on modern translators. Furthermore, many of the words that the Tao Te Ching uses are deliberately vague and ambiguous.
Since there are no punctuation marks in classical Chinese, it can be difficult to conclusively determine where one sentence ends and the next begins. Moving a full-stop a few words forward or back or inserting a comma can profoundly alter the meaning of many passages, and such divisions and meanings must be determined by the translator. Some editors and translators argue that the received text is so corrupted (from originally being written on one-line bamboo strips linked with silk threads) that it is impossible to understand some chapters without moving sequences of characters from one place to another.
[edit] See also
Taoism portal
Daoism-Taoism romanization issue
Eastern philosophy
Zhuangzi (book)
Huainanzi
Liezi
Qingjing Jing
Huahujing
Xishengjing
[edit] Notes
1.^ a b c d e "Laozi". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy by Stanford University.
2.^ "The Tao Teh King, or the Tao and its Characteristics by Laozi - Project Gutenberg". Gutenberg.org. 2007-12-01. Retrieved 2010-08-13.
3.^ Eliade (1984), p.26
4.^ Boltz (1993): 284
5.^ Henricks (2000) Lao Tzu's Tao Teh Ching - A translation of the startling new documents found at Guodian, page 3
6.^ "Texts of Taoism (SBE 39): The Tao Teh King, Part I: Chapter 14". Sacred-texts.com. Retrieved 2011-03-16.
7.^ LaFargue, Michael and Pas, Julian. On Translating the Tao-te-ching in Kohn and LaFargue (1998), p. 277
8.^ Welch (1965), p. 7
9.^ The Journal of Religion
10.^ [1][dead link]
11.^ "Taoism: the enduring tradition - Google Books". Books.google.com. Retrieved 2010-08-13.
12.^ [2][dead link]
13.^ Journal of the American Academy of Religion
14.^ Lao-Tzu's Taoteching
15.^ Tao Te Ching | Multiple Translations by various authors
16.^ Tao Teh Ching - Line-by-Line Comparisons.
[edit] References
Ariel, Yoav, and Gil Raz. “Anaphors or Cataphors? A Discussion of the Two qi 其 Graphs in the First Chapter of the Daodejing.” PEW 60.3 (2010): 391-421
Boltz, William G. Lao tzu Tao te ching. In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, edited by Michael Loewe. Berkeley: University of California, Institute of East Asian Studies. 1993. pp. 269–92.
Cole, Alan, "Simplicity for the Sophisticated: ReReading the Daode Jing for the Polemics of Ease and Innocence," in History of Religions, August 2006, pp. 1-49
Damascene, Hieromonk, Lou Shibai, and You-Shan Tang. Christ the Eternal Tao. Platina, CA: Saint Herman Press, 1999.
Eliade, Mircea. A History of Religious Ideas, Volume 2. Translated by Willard R. Trask. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984.
Kaltenmark, Max. Lao Tzu and Taoism. Translated by Roger Greaves. Stanford: Stanford University Press. 1969.
Kohn, Livia and Michael LaFargue, eds. Lao-Tzu and the Tao-Te-Ching, Albany: State University of New York Press. 1998.
Komjathy, Louis. Handbooks for Daoist Practice. 10 vols. Hong Kong: Yuen Yuen Institute, 2008.
Welch, Holmes. Taoism: The Parting of the Way (1957). Boston: Beacon Press. 1965.
Klaus, Hilmar Das Tao der Weisheit. Laozi-Daodejing. English + German introduction, 140 p. bibliogr., 3 German transl. Aachen: Mainz 2008, 548 p.
Klaus, Hilmar The Tao of Wisdom. Laozi-Daodejing. Chinese-English-German. 2 verbatim + 2 analogous transl., 140 p. bibl., Aachen: Mainz 2009 600p.
[edit] External links
Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Tao Te Ching
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Tao Te Ching
Chinese Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Dàodéjīng
Daode jing entry from the Center for Daoist Studies
Daodejing Wang Bi edition with English translation, Guodian text, and Mawangdui text - Chinese Text Project
Lǎozǐ Dàodéjīng Chinese + English + German, verbatim + analogous
Tao Te Ching | Multiple Translations by various authors
The Authorship of the Tao Te Ching, John J. Emerson
Tao Te Ching at the Open Directory Project
Daode jing (Isabelle Robinet), entry in The Encyclopedia of Taoism
The Call of Silence - Reflections on the Tao-Teh-King by Abdullah Dougan, a recent interpretation.
[edit] Online English translations
Tao Te Ching | Multiple Translations by various authors
Tao Te Ching | Multiple English Translations
Tao Te Ching, James Legge
The Tao Te Ching, Frederic H. Balfour
The Tao Teh King, Aleister Crowley
Daode Jing, Charles Muller
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
道德经 Dàodéjīng
The Tao Te Ching, Dao De Jing, or Daodejing (道德經), also simply referred to as Laozi,[1] whose authorship has been attributed to Laozi,[2] is a Chinese classic text. Its name comes from the opening words of its two sections: 道 dào "way," Chapter 1, and 德 dé "virtue/power," Chapter 38, plus 經 jīng "classic." According to tradition, it was written around the 6th century BC by the sage Laozi (or Lao Tzu, "Old Master"), a record-keeper at the Zhou Dynasty court, by whose name the text is known in China. The text's true authorship and date of composition or compilation are still debated,[3] although the oldest excavated text dates back to the late 4th century BC.[1]
The text is fundamental to the Philosophical Taoism (Daojia (Pinyin: Dàojiā) 道家) and strongly influenced other schools, such as Legalism and Neo-Confucianism. This ancient book is also central in Chinese religion, not only for Religious Daoism (Daojiao (Pinyin: Dàojiào) 道教) but Chinese Buddhism, which when first introduced into China was largely interpreted through the use of Daoist words and concepts. Many Chinese artists, including poets, painters, calligraphers, and even gardeners have used the Daodejing as a source of inspiration. Its influence has also spread widely outside East Asia, and is amongst the most translated works in world literature.[1]
The Wade–Giles romanization "Tao Te Ching" dates back to early English transliterations in the late 19th century, and many people continue using it, especially for words and phrases that have become well-established in English. The pinyin romanization "Daodejing" originated in the late 20th century, and this romanization is becoming increasingly popular, having been adopted as the official system by the Chinese government.
Contents
[hide] 1 The text 1.1 Title
1.2 Internal structure
1.3 Historical authenticity of the author
1.4 Principal versions
1.5 Mawangdui and Guodian texts
1.6 Written style
2 Interpretation and themes 2.1 Ineffability or Genesis
2.2 The Mysterious Female
2.3 Returning (Union with the Primordial)
2.4 Emptiness
2.5 Knowledge and humility
2.6 Interpretations in relation to religious traditions
3 Translations 3.1 Translational difficulties
4 See also
5 Notes
6 References
7 External links 7.1 Online English translations
[edit] The text
The Daodejing has a long and complex textual history. On one hand, there are transmitted versions and commentaries that date back two millennia; on the other, there are ancient bamboo, silk, and paper manuscripts that archeologists discovered in the last century.
[edit] Title
Taoism
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"Tao Te Ching", Calligraphy by Gia-Fu Feng
There are many possible translations of the book's title:
Dào/Tao 道 literally means "way", or one of its synonyms, but was extended to mean "the Way." This term, which was variously used by other Chinese philosophers (including Confucius, Mencius, Mozi, and Hanfeizi), has special meaning within the context of Daoism, where it implies the essential, unnamable process of the universe.
Dé/Te 德 basically means "virtue" in the sense of "personal character," "inner strength" (virtuosity), or "integrity." The semantics of this Chinese word resemble English virtue, which developed from a (now archaic) sense of "inner potency" or "divine power" (as in "healing virtue of a drug") to the modern meaning of "moral excellence" or "goodness." Compare the compound word dàodé (道德 "ethics," "ethical principles," "morals," or "morality").
Jīng/Ching 經 as it is used here means "canon," "great book," or "classic."
Thus, Daodejing can be translated as "The Classic/Canon of the Way/Path and the Power/Virtue," etc.
The title Daodejing is an honorific given by posterity, other titles include the amalgam Lǎozǐ Dàodéjīng (老子道德經), the honorific Daode Zhen Jing (道德真經 "True Classic of the Way and the Power"), and the Wuqian wen (五千文 "Five thousand character [classic]").
[edit] Internal structure
The received Tao Te Ching is a short text of around 5,000 Chinese characters in 81 brief chapters or sections (章). There is some evidence that the chapter divisions were later additions - for commentary, or as aids to rote memorization - and that the original text was more fluidly organized. It has two parts, the Tao Ching (道經; chaps. 1–37) and the Te Ching (德經; chaps. 38–81), which may have been edited together into the received text, possibly reversed from an original "Te Tao Ching". The written style is laconic, has few grammatical particles, and encourages varied, even contradictory interpretations. The ideas are singular; the style poetic.
The Chinese characters in the original versions were probably written in zhuànshū (篆書 seal script), while later versions were written in lìshū (隷書 clerical script) and kǎishū (楷書 regular script) styles. Daoist Chinese Characters contains a good summary of these different calligraphies.
[edit] Historical authenticity of the author
The Tao Te Ching is ascribed to Laozi, whose historical existence has been a matter of scholastic debate. His name, which means "Old Master", has only fueled controversy on this issue. (Kaltenmark 1969:10).
Laozi
The first reliable reference to Laozi is his "biography" in Shiji (63, tr. Chan 1963:35-37), by Chinese historian Sima Qian (ca. 145–86 BC), which combines three stories. First, Laozi was a contemporary of Confucius (551-479 BC). His surname was Li (李 "plum"), and his personal name was Er (耳 "ear") or Dan (聃 "long ear"). He was an official in the imperial archives, and wrote a book in two parts before departing to the West. Second, Laozi was Lao Laizi (老來子 "Old Come Master"), also a contemporary of Confucius, who wrote a book in 15 parts. Third, Laozi was the Grand Historian and astrologer Lao Dan (老聃 "Old Long-ears"), who lived during the reign (384-362 BC) of Duke Xian (獻公) of Qin).
Generations of scholars have debated the historicity of Laozi and the dating of the Tao Te Ching. Linguistic studies of the text's vocabulary and rhyme scheme point to a date of composition after the Shi Jing yet before the Zhuangzi. Legends claim variously that Laozi was "born old"; that he lived for 996 years, with twelve previous incarnations starting around the time of the Three Sovereigns before the thirteenth as Laozi. Some Western scholars have expressed doubts over Laozi's historical existence, claiming that the Tao Te Ching is actually a collection of the work of various authors.
Many Taoists venerate Laozi as Daotsu the founder of the school of Dao, the Daode Tianjun in the Three Pure Ones, one of the eight elders transformed from Taiji in the Chinese creation myth.
[edit] Principal versions
Among the many transmitted editions of the Tao Te Ching text, the three primary ones are named after early commentaries. The "Yan Zun Version," which is only extant for the Te Ching, derives from a commentary attributed to Han Dynasty scholar Yan Zun (巖尊, fl. 80 BC-10 AD). The "Heshang Gong Version" is named after the legendary Heshang Gong (河上公 "Riverside Sage") who supposedly lived during the reign (202-157 BC) of Emperor Wen of Han. This commentary (tr. Erkes 1950) has a preface written by Ge Xuan (葛玄, 164-244 AD), granduncle of Ge Hong, and scholarship dates this version to around the 3rd century AD. The "Wang Bi Version" has more verifiable origins than either of the above. Wang Bi (王弼, 226 – 249 AD) was a famous Three Kingdoms period philosopher and commentator on the Tao Te Ching (tr. Lin 1977, Rump and Chan 1979) and the I Ching.
Tao Te Ching scholarship has lately advanced from archeological discoveries of manuscripts, some of which are older than any of the received texts. Beginning in the 1920s and 1930s, Marc Aurel Stein and others found thousands of scrolls in the Mogao Caves near Dunhuang. They included more than 50 partial and complete "Tao Te Ching" manuscripts. One written by the scribe So/Su Dan (素統) is dated 270 AD and corresponds closely with the Heshang Gong version. Another partial manuscript has the Xiang'er (想爾) commentary, which had previously been lost.
[edit] Mawangdui and Guodian texts
In 1973, archeologists discovered copies of early Chinese books, known as the Mawangdui Silk Texts, in a tomb dating from 168 BC.[1] They included two nearly complete copies of the text, referred to as Text A (甲) and Text B (乙), both of which reverse the traditional ordering and put the Te Ching section before the Tao Ching, which is why the Henricks translation of them is named "Te-Tao Ching". Based on calligraphic styles and imperial naming taboo avoidances, scholars believe that A can be dated to about the first decade and B to about the third decade of the 2nd century BC.[4]
In 1993, the oldest known version of the text, written on bamboo tablets, was found in a tomb near the town of Guodian (郭店) in Jingmen, Hubei, and dated prior to 300 BC.[1] The Guodian Chu Slips comprise about 800 slips of bamboo with a total of over 13,000 characters, about 2,000 of which correspond with the Tao Te Ching, including 14 previously unknown verses.
Both the Mawangdui and Guodian versions are generally consistent with the received texts, excepting differences in chapter sequence and graphic variants. Several recent Tao Te Ching translations (e.g., Lau 1989, Henricks 1989, Mair 1990, Henricks 2000, Allan and Williams 2000, and Roberts 2004) utilize these two versions, sometimes with the verses reordered to synthesize the new finds.
[edit] Written style
The Tao Te Ching was originally written in zhuànshū calligraphy style. It is difficult to obtain modern replicas of these styles except through specialty stores. Most modern versions use the newspaper print style kǎishū.
[edit] Interpretation and themes
The passages are ambiguous, and topics range from political advice for rulers to practical wisdom for people. Because the variety of interpretation is virtually limitless, not only for different people but for the same person over time, readers do well to avoid making claims of objectivity or superiority. Also, since the book is 81 short poems, there is little need for an abridgement.
[edit] Ineffability or Genesis
The Way that can be told of is not an unvarying way; The names that can be named are not unvarying names. It was from the Nameless that Heaven and Earth sprang; The named is but the mother that rears the ten thousand creatures, each after its kind. (chap. 1, tr. Waley)
These famous first lines of the Tao Te Ching state that the Tao is ineffable, i.e., the Tao is nameless, goes beyond distinctions, and transcends language. However this first verse does not occur in the earliest known version from the Guodian Chu Slips and there is speculation that it may have been added by later commentators.[5] In Laozi's Qingjing Jing (verse 1-8) he clarified the term Tao was nominated as he was trying to describe a state of existence before it happened and before time or space. Way or path happened to be the side meaning of Tao, ineffability would be just poetic. This is the Chinese creation myth from the primordial Tao.
[edit] The Mysterious Female
The Valley Spirit never dies It is named the Mysterious Female. And the doorway of the Mysterious Female Is the base from which Heaven and Earth sprang. It is there within us all the while; Draw upon it as you will, it never runs dry. (chap. 6, tr. Waley)
Like the above description of the ineffable Tao as "the mother that rears the ten thousand creatures", the Tao Te Ching advocates "female" (or Yin) values, emphasizing the passive, solid, and quiescent qualities of nature (which is opposed to the active and energetic), and "having without possessing". Waley's translation can also be understood as the Esoteric Feminine in that it can be known intuitively, that must be complemented by the masculine, "male" (or Yang), again amplified in Qingjing Jing (verse 9-13). Yin and Yang should be balanced, "Know masculinity, Maintain femininity, and be a ravine for all under heaven." (chap. 28, tr. Mair)
[edit] Returning (Union with the Primordial)
In Tao the only motion is returning; The only useful quality, weakness. For though all creatures under heaven are the products of Being, Being itself is the product of Not-being. " (chap. 40, tr. Waley)
Another theme is the eternal return, or what Mair (1990:139) calls "the continual return of the myriad creatures to the cosmic principle from which they arose."
There is a contrast between the rigidity of death and the weakness of life: "When he is born, man is soft and weak; in death he becomes stiff and hard. The ten thousand creatures and all plants and trees while they are alive are supple and soft, but when dead they become brittle and dry." (chap. 76, tr. Waley). This is returning to the beginning of things, or to one's own childhood.
The Tao Te Ching focuses upon the beginnings of society, and describes a golden age in the past, comparable with the ideas of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Human problems arose from the "invention" of culture and civilization. In this idealized past, “the people should have no use for any form of writing save knotted ropes, should be contented with their food, pleased with their clothing, satisfied with their homes, should take pleasure in their rustic tasks." (chap. 80, tr. Waley)
[edit] Emptiness
We put thirty spokes together and call it a wheel; But it is on the space where there is nothing that the usefulness of the wheel depends. We turn clay to make a vessel; But it is on the space where there is nothing that the usefulness of the vessel depends. We pierce doors and windows to make a house; And it is on these spaces where there is nothing that the usefulness of the house depends. Therefore just as we take advantage of what is, we should recognize the usefulness of what is not. (chap. 11, tr. Waley)
Philosophical vacuity is a common theme among Asian wisdom traditions including Taoism (especially Wu wei "effortless action"), Buddhism, and some aspects of Confucianism. One could interpret the Tao Te Ching as a suite of variations on the "Powers of Nothingness". This resonates with the Buddhist Shunyata philosophy of "form is emptiness, emptiness is form."
Looking at a traditional Chinese Landscape, one can understand how emptiness (the unpainted) has the power of animating the trees, mountains, and rivers it surrounds. Emptiness can mean having no fixed preconceptions, preferences, intentions, or agenda. Since "The Sage has no heart of his own; He uses the heart of the people as his heart." (chap. 49, tr. Waley). From a ruler's point of view, it is a laissez-faire approach:
So a wise leader may say: "I practice inaction, and the people look after themselves." But from the Sage it is so hard at any price to get a single word That when his task is accomplished, his work done, Throughout the country every one says: “It happened of its own accord”. (chap. 17, tr. Waley)
[edit] Knowledge and humility
Knowing others is wisdom; Knowing the self is enlightenment. Mastering others requires force; Mastering the self requires strength; He who knows he has enough is rich. Perseverance is a sign of will power. He who stays where he is endures. To die but not to perish is to be eternally present. (chap. 33, tr. Feng and English)
The Tao Te Ching praises self-gained knowledge with emphasis on that knowledge being gained with humility. When what one person has experienced is put into words and transmitted to others, so doing risks giving unwarranted status to what inevitably must have had a subjective tinge. Moreover, it will be subjected to another layer of interpretation and subjectivity when read and learned by others. This kind of knowledge (or "book learning"), like desire, should be diminished. "It was when intelligence and knowledge appeared that the Great Artifice began." (chap. 18, tr. Waley) And so, "The pursuit of learning is to increase day after day. The pursuit of Tao is to decrease day after day." (chap. 48, tr. W.T. Chan)
[edit] Interpretations in relation to religious traditions
The relation between Taoism and Buddhism and Chan Buddhism is complex and fertile. Similarly, the relationship between Taoism and Confucianism is richly interwoven, historically.
In 1823 the French sinologist Jean-Pierre-Abel Rémusat suggested a relationship between Abrahamic faiths and Taoism; he held that Yahweh was signified by three words in Chapter 14; yi (夷 "calm; level; barbarian"), xi (希 "rare; indiscernible; hope"), and wei (微 "tiny, small; obscure"). James Legge (1891:57-58[6]) dismissed this hypothetical yi-xi-wei and Yahweh connection as "a mere fancy or dream". According to Holmes Welch:
It is not hard to understand the readiness of early scholars to assert that the doctrine of the Trinity was revealed in the Tao Te Ching and that its fourteenth chapter contains the syllables of "Yahveh." Even today, though these errors have been recognized for more than a century, the general notion that Lao Tzu was Christ's forerunner has lost none of its romantic appeal. (1965:7)
[edit] Translations
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Tao Te Ching
The Tao Te Ching has been translated into Western languages over 250 times, mostly to English, German, and French.[7] According to Holmes Welch, "It is a famous puzzle which everyone would like to feel he had solved."[8]
Many translations are written by people with a foundation in Chinese language and philosophy who are trying to render the original meaning of the text as faithfully as possible into English. Some of the more popular translations are written from a less scholarly perspective, giving an individual author's interpretation. Critics of these versions, such as Taoism scholar Eugene Eoyang, claim that translators like Stephen Mitchell produce readings of the Tao Te Ching that deviate from the text and are incompatible with the history of Chinese thought.[9] Russell Kirkland goes further to argue that these versions are based on Western Orientalist fantasies, and represent the colonial appropriation of Chinese culture.[10][11] In contrast, Huston Smith, scholar of world religions, said of the Mitchell version, "This translation comes as close to being definitive for our time as any I can imagine. It embodies the virtues its translator credits to the Chinese original: a gemlike lucidity that is radiant with humor, grace, largeheartedness, and deep wisdom." —Other Taoism scholars, such as Michael LaFargue[12] and Johnathan Herman,[13] argue that while they are poor scholarship they meet a real spiritual need in the West. The most recent translation is by Bill Porter (Red Pine) (Copper Canyon Press, 2009) and distinguishes itself in its extensive commentary by scores of poets, monks, and Chinese scholars.[14] There are a handful of sites on the web that compare chapters translated by various authors such as TaoTeChingMe.com[15] and Waylist.org. [16]
[edit] Translational difficulties
The Tao Te Ching is written in classical Chinese, which can be difficult to understand completely, even for well-educated native speakers of modern Chinese. In fact, in learning classical Chinese, native speakers can be at a disadvantage relative to non-native speakers, as native speakers often have difficulty with Chinese characters whose older meaning differs from the modern language. Classical Chinese relies heavily on allusion to a corpus of standard literary works to convey semantic meaning, nuance, and subtext. This corpus was memorized by highly-educated people in Laozi's time, and the allusions were reinforced through common use in writing, but few people today have this type of deep acquaintance with ancient Chinese literature. Thus, many levels of subtext are potentially lost on modern translators. Furthermore, many of the words that the Tao Te Ching uses are deliberately vague and ambiguous.
Since there are no punctuation marks in classical Chinese, it can be difficult to conclusively determine where one sentence ends and the next begins. Moving a full-stop a few words forward or back or inserting a comma can profoundly alter the meaning of many passages, and such divisions and meanings must be determined by the translator. Some editors and translators argue that the received text is so corrupted (from originally being written on one-line bamboo strips linked with silk threads) that it is impossible to understand some chapters without moving sequences of characters from one place to another.
[edit] See also
Taoism portal
Daoism-Taoism romanization issue
Eastern philosophy
Zhuangzi (book)
Huainanzi
Liezi
Qingjing Jing
Huahujing
Xishengjing
[edit] Notes
1.^ a b c d e "Laozi". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy by Stanford University.
2.^ "The Tao Teh King, or the Tao and its Characteristics by Laozi - Project Gutenberg". Gutenberg.org. 2007-12-01. Retrieved 2010-08-13.
3.^ Eliade (1984), p.26
4.^ Boltz (1993): 284
5.^ Henricks (2000) Lao Tzu's Tao Teh Ching - A translation of the startling new documents found at Guodian, page 3
6.^ "Texts of Taoism (SBE 39): The Tao Teh King, Part I: Chapter 14". Sacred-texts.com. Retrieved 2011-03-16.
7.^ LaFargue, Michael and Pas, Julian. On Translating the Tao-te-ching in Kohn and LaFargue (1998), p. 277
8.^ Welch (1965), p. 7
9.^ The Journal of Religion
10.^ [1][dead link]
11.^ "Taoism: the enduring tradition - Google Books". Books.google.com. Retrieved 2010-08-13.
12.^ [2][dead link]
13.^ Journal of the American Academy of Religion
14.^ Lao-Tzu's Taoteching
15.^ Tao Te Ching | Multiple Translations by various authors
16.^ Tao Teh Ching - Line-by-Line Comparisons.
[edit] References
Ariel, Yoav, and Gil Raz. “Anaphors or Cataphors? A Discussion of the Two qi 其 Graphs in the First Chapter of the Daodejing.” PEW 60.3 (2010): 391-421
Boltz, William G. Lao tzu Tao te ching. In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, edited by Michael Loewe. Berkeley: University of California, Institute of East Asian Studies. 1993. pp. 269–92.
Cole, Alan, "Simplicity for the Sophisticated: ReReading the Daode Jing for the Polemics of Ease and Innocence," in History of Religions, August 2006, pp. 1-49
Damascene, Hieromonk, Lou Shibai, and You-Shan Tang. Christ the Eternal Tao. Platina, CA: Saint Herman Press, 1999.
Eliade, Mircea. A History of Religious Ideas, Volume 2. Translated by Willard R. Trask. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984.
Kaltenmark, Max. Lao Tzu and Taoism. Translated by Roger Greaves. Stanford: Stanford University Press. 1969.
Kohn, Livia and Michael LaFargue, eds. Lao-Tzu and the Tao-Te-Ching, Albany: State University of New York Press. 1998.
Komjathy, Louis. Handbooks for Daoist Practice. 10 vols. Hong Kong: Yuen Yuen Institute, 2008.
Welch, Holmes. Taoism: The Parting of the Way (1957). Boston: Beacon Press. 1965.
Klaus, Hilmar Das Tao der Weisheit. Laozi-Daodejing. English + German introduction, 140 p. bibliogr., 3 German transl. Aachen: Mainz 2008, 548 p.
Klaus, Hilmar The Tao of Wisdom. Laozi-Daodejing. Chinese-English-German. 2 verbatim + 2 analogous transl., 140 p. bibl., Aachen: Mainz 2009 600p.
[edit] External links
Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Tao Te Ching
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Tao Te Ching
Chinese Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Dàodéjīng
Daode jing entry from the Center for Daoist Studies
Daodejing Wang Bi edition with English translation, Guodian text, and Mawangdui text - Chinese Text Project
Lǎozǐ Dàodéjīng Chinese + English + German, verbatim + analogous
Tao Te Ching | Multiple Translations by various authors
The Authorship of the Tao Te Ching, John J. Emerson
Tao Te Ching at the Open Directory Project
Daode jing (Isabelle Robinet), entry in The Encyclopedia of Taoism
The Call of Silence - Reflections on the Tao-Teh-King by Abdullah Dougan, a recent interpretation.
[edit] Online English translations
Tao Te Ching | Multiple Translations by various authors
Tao Te Ching | Multiple English Translations
Tao Te Ching, James Legge
The Tao Te Ching, Frederic H. Balfour
The Tao Teh King, Aleister Crowley
Daode Jing, Charles Muller
Monday, October 10, 2011
How Dangerous Is U.S. Government Debt?
The Risks of a Sudden Spike in U.S. Interest Rates
Francis E. Warnock
June 2010
INTRODUCTION
In 1961, the Belgian economist Robert Triffin described the dilemma faced by the country at the center of the international monetary system.1 To supply the world’s risk-free asset, the center country must run a current account deficit and in doing so become ever more indebted to foreigners, until the risk-free asset that it issues ceases to be risk free. Precisely because the world is happy to have a dependable asset to hold as a store of value, it will buy so much of that asset that its issuer will become unsustainably burdened. The endgame to Triffin’s
paradox is a global, wholesale dumping of the center country’s securities. No one knows in advance when the tipping point will be reached, but the damage brought about by higher interest rates and slower economic growth will be readily apparent afterward.For a long time now, the United States has seemed vulnerable to the fate that Triffin predicted.
Since 1982 it has run a current account deficit every year but one, steadily piling up obligations to foreigners. Because foreigners have been eager to hold dollar assets, they have willingly enabled this pattern, pouring capital into
the United States and financing the nation’s surplus of spending over savings. The dollar’s status as the world’s reserve currency has become a facet of U.S. power, allowing the United States to borrow effortlessly and sustain large debt-financed military commitments.
Capital has tended to flood into the United States especially readily during moments of geopolitical stress, ensuring that the nation has had the financial wherewithal to conduct an assertive foreign policy precisely at moments when crises demanded it. But the capital inflows associated with the dollar’s reserve-currency status have created a vulnerability, too, opening the door to a foreign sell-off of U.S. securities that could drive up U.S. interest rates and render the nation’s formidable stock of debt far more expensive to service.
Late last year, this potential danger came close to becoming reality. Largely thanks to homegrown pressures, unrelated to Triffin’s dilemma, the world’s risk-free asset, the ten-year U.S. Treasury bond, was sagging.
With sizeable budget deficits, the prospects of an ever-increasing amount of government debt, the end of the Federal Reserve’s crisis-driven program of accumulating Treasury bonds, and an uptick in inflation expectations,
the ten-year Treasury yield increased by fifty basis points from 3.25 percent to 3.75 percent. And further increases were likely. Such increases would not only substantially raise the cost of future government borrowing, but would also threaten any recovery in housing and other interest-rate-sensitive sectors.
At the same time, moreover, foreigners seemed poised to drive U.S. borrowing costs higher. The dollar was falling sharply. Early in 2009 it fetched almost eighty euro cents in Frankfurt or Athens; by autumn it was worth sixty-seven euro cents.
Foreign investors, who held more than half of the U.S. Treasury market, were
getting nervous. Luo Ping, a director-general at the China Banking Regulatory Commission, summed up the angst:
Except for U.S. Treasuries, what can you hold? Gold? You don’t hold Japanese government bonds or UK bonds. U.S. Treasuries are the safe haven. For everyone, including China, it is the only option . . . . We know the dollar is going to depreciate, so we hate you guys, but there is nothing much we can do.
2 Was Triffin’s endgame—sudden reserve diversification, or the act of foreign governments abruptly shifting their funds from dollars to other currencies—about to become a reality? If so, the likeliest benefactor was the eurozone. Prominent economists opined that the euro would become the world’s reserve currency by as
early as 2015.
3 Through the first half of 2009 global investors seemed to agree: net inflows into eurozone debt instruments—that is, the rest of the world’s purchases of eurozone bonds less euro-area purchases of 2 foreign bonds—surged to record levels. The related plummeting of the dollar relative to the euro added to the
fear that global investors were abandoning the center country.
But then began the eurozone phase of the global financial crisis. This has provided the U.S. government with a timely respite from both domestic forces and Triffin’s endgame. U.S. policymakers need to understand that this is not a reset, not a new beginning; it is a lucky break. How the United States uses this reprieve will affect the nation’s ability to borrow for years to come, with broad implications for the sustainability of an active U.S. foreign policy.
In what follows we will walk through the domestic pressures on U.S. long-term interest rates, the role of global investors, the respite provided by the eurozone crisis, and policy implications. The story will be told primarily through pictures. For those interested in the methodology used to measure foreign official flows and a more detailed perspective on U.S. capital flows, a box and appendix are also provided.
DOMESTIC PRESSURES ON LONG-TERM RATES
In the autumn of 2009 at least three factors were weighing heavily on U.S. Treasury bond prices, driving interest rates (or “yields”) upward. Significantly, none of the three factors has diminished.
The first factor is the hangover from the financial crisis. On top of tax cuts and spending increases over the past decade, the stimulus spending and the decline in tax revenues resulting from the recession worsened the U.S. fiscal situation.
The budget deficit reached 10 percent of potential GDP in 2008, and even the baseline Congressional Budget Office forecast, which must include the implausible assumption that Congress will allow various “temporary” tax relief measures to expire, has U.S. public debt skyrocketing toward 100 percent of GDP (Figure 1, left panels).
4 Various economic theories provide a link from increases in either government debt (a stock figure) or budget deficits (a flow) and increases in interest rates, be it through the crowding out of private investment or through Keynesian increases in demand. Whatever theory one prefers,
Thomas Laubach showed that for each percentage point rise in the projected deficit-to-GDP ratio, longer term interest rates increase by about twenty-five basis points (or 0.25 percent); alternatively, each percentage point rise in the public debt-to-GDP ratio increases long rates by three to four basis points.5 Combining deficit (or debt) projections with the Laubach analysis, one might expect the fiscal situation to lead to a full percentage point (or even much greater) increase in long rates.
The second domestic factor exerting upward pressure on long rates is that demand from one source—the Federal Reserve—is likely to be scaled back. In 2009, the Fed purchased $300 billion in long-dated treasuries (Figure 1, right top panel). To the extent this put downward pressure on rates, the cessation of the Fed’s credit-
easing policy might be expected to lead to higher long rates.
A third factor on the radar screen is inflation expectations. An increase in inflation expectations can have a one-for-one impact on long-term nominal interest rates. Longer-term inflation expectations (Figure 1, right bottom panel) have been on a post-crisis upward march, putting yet more upward pressure on long rates.
In the autumn of 2009, the one domestic factor that was pulling rates lower was anything but comforting: concerns about a potential double-dip recession. As the U.S. recovery has strengthened, this factor has grown less significant. The result is that the balance of domestic forces in the United States now points to higher borrowing costs for the U.S. government. Adding together the pressure from large deficits, the cessation of the Fed’s crisis-response policies, and rising inflation expectations, one might expect the ten-year Treasury rate to
be at least one hundred basis points higher than it was a year ago. Oddly, and perhaps ominously, the actual ten-year Treasury rate at the start of June 2010 languishes at 3.4 percent, roughly unchanged from a year ago,
implying plenty of room for an upward spike.
THE ROLE OF GLOBAL INVESTORS
Not too long ago many were skeptical that foreign accumulation of U.S. debt securities materially affected U.S. rates. The view that such intervention did not matter was summed up concisely by the chief economist of an investment bank: “U.S. bond yields . . . have fluctuated over a wide range in response to many factors . . .but foreign buying . . . ha(s) simply not had much impact. Foreigners don’t have much influence . . .”6
At a July 2005 briefing, Senator Richard Shelby (R-AL) asked Federal Reserve chairman Alan Greenspan of foreign flows could affect long-term U.S. interest rates. In Greenspan’s response to the senator, he noted that while foreign accumulation probably lowered long-term U.S. interest rates, the effect was likely small, and so the unwinding of those positions, were it to occur, would only add a small amount to long rates. But at that time no one had a good sense of the dynamics of foreign demand for U.S. bonds. To calculate the effect of this demand on Treasury rates, economists seek to isolate the portion of foreign demand that comes from governments: Unlike private foreign purchases, which may fluctuate in response to Treasury rates, foreign government purchases are presumed to be insensitive to Treasury rates, so that changes in those rates can be presumed to be driven by government buying rather than the other way around. Greenspan’s
response to Senator Shelby was based on calculations that used data on bonds held at the New York Fed on behalf of foreign governments. But, while governments use the New York Fed’s custodial services for some purchases, they also hold U.S. bonds elsewhere, so the analysis was based on partial data. And while there have been many user-friendly improvements over the past few years, international capital flows data remain
hard to navigate. (For a discussion of various sources of data on foreign governments’ purchases and sales of U.S. securities, see Box 1).
However, a 2005 Federal Reserve discussion paper pointed to a better answer than the one that was generally accepted at the time of Shelby’s question.7 The paper began by showing how reported capital flows data could be adjusted for use in empirical analysis. Briefly, because of a bias in the Treasury International Capital data collected by the U.S. government, flows from foreign official institutions were often reported as being
from private investors. Infrequent but high-quality snapshots of stocks (as opposed to flows) do not suffer from this bias (although they are subject to a less severe bias, described in the box) and so can be used to correct flows data. Armed with such data, the authors found that foreign official purchases of treasuries had little if any impact on shorter-term U.S. rates (which are well anchored by the Fed Funds rate) but a substantial impact on U.S. long-term interest rates. The accumulation of U.S. treasuries (and near substitutes) by foreign official institutions, then running at about $400 billion per year, lowered long-term U.S. interest rates by anywhere from fifty to one hundred basis points; if foreign governments ceased adding treasuries to their portfolios, U.S. long-term rates could spike upward by the same amount. The increase would be much greater
if foreign governments actively sold existing Treasury positions. Equally, a cessation of purchases or a sell-off by foreign private investors could add even more to the upward pressure on U.S. interest rates, since foreign private investors remain large buyers.
The potential impact on the United States resulting from a sell-off has not diminished since the original discussion paper calculations, because foreigners have not reduced the size of their positions. Foreigners now hold over half of the Treasury bond market and almost a fifth of the corporate debt market.
6
T H E N E A R M I S S O F 2 0 0 9
The large foreign holdings of U.S. assets presented in Table 1 are only a threat to the United States if there is a risk that foreigners might abandon past patterns and decide to put their money elsewhere. In 2009, with domestic conditions pointing toward a surge in Treasury yields, major investors were thinking aloud about doing just that—witness the concern expressed by China’s Luo Ping that his country’s accumulation of riskfree
dollar assets was anything but risk-free. At the same time, other senior foreign officials were actively debating the future of the dollar as the global reserve currency. On a visit to Beijing in May 2009, Brazil’s president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, picked up on his hosts’ frustration with the U.S. currency. Calling for a “new economic order,” he suggested that it was time to stop denominating trade in dollars.
Sure enough, foreign flows into U.S. Treasury bonds declined steeply in the first months of 2009. Yet they remained positive, and recovered in the second half of the year (Figure 2). While not as pronounced as in 20032004, foreign appetite for the reserve asset remained at a high level.
Even though foreign appetite for U.S. treasuries remained healthy, this did not eliminate the risk to the United States. The reason was that U.S. debt issuance was increasing sharply, and foreigners were holding a 7 smaller share of outstanding U.S. bonds. This raised the specter of a future in which the United States would likely have to issue more and more bonds, but foreign demand might not keep pace.
In 2009 foreign official inflows either decreased or increased, and the amount of inflows was as high as $448 billion or as little as $36 billion. Nor is this extraordinary discrepancy confined to 2009. For 2010,such data as are currently available suggest that foreign official flows have either surged or plummeted.
Which is it?
Foreign Official Flows ($billions, annual averages)
20042007 2008 2009 2010
BEA’s Quarterly Balance of Payment (BOP) Data
Foreign official flows into the United States 406 487 448
U.S. Treasury securities 173 478 490
Short-term bills and certificates -7 272 63
Medium-to-long-term bonds and notes 181 205 427
U.S. agency securities 133 66 -39
Other foreign official inflows 100 -56 -4
13
Treasury’s Monthly TIC Data
through
March
Foreign official flows into the United States 213 158 36 -38
U.S. Treasury securities 82 336 238 2
Short-term bills and certificates -3 259 76 -28
Medium-to-long-term bonds and notes 86 77 161 30
U.S. agency securities 66 -32 -43 -4
Other foreign official inflows 64 -147 -159 -36
memo items: Selected Federal Reserve adjustments
Treasury bonds, foreign official flows 113 198
Treasury bonds, private flows -75 -104
New York Fed’s Weekly H.4.1 Custodial Data
through
May
Foreign official flows into the United States 253 383 418 319
Change in holdings of Treasury securities 116 203 543 304
Change in holdings of agency securities 137 180 -125 14
Annual averages, except for partial 2010 data.
The three data sources conflict because of different methodologies. The monthly TIC data “identifies” foreign
official flows as those that originate from a recognized foreign official institution. Any transaction run through a shell company or even a non-U.S. intermediary shows up in the TIC data, but not as a foreign official flow. That is, the TIC data on foreign official flows should be viewed as a lower bound. Hence, in Figures 2 and 6 both “identified” foreign official flows and total foreign flows are shown; true foreign official
flows are likely somewhere between the two lines.
One read on the extent of private flows that should be “shuffled” into foreign official flows is provided by Federal Reserve adjustments.
11 Those adjustments, shown in the “memo items” listed under the TIC data in
the above table, shift roughly $100 billion a year from private to foreign official inflows. These adjustments are, however, also partial, as they are based on a reconciliation of the monthly flows with annual snapshots of custodial holdings. That is, they replace a severe transaction center bias with a much less severe custodial
center bias.
12 While this is an improvement, even this adjustment cannot be viewed as complete as any foreign official institution that wants to mask its holdings can do so by using a foreign custodian.
13 The different reported amounts of foreign official inflows can be reconciled. The New York Fed’s H.4.1 data, the most timely, is custodial based and for only one custodian, the New York Fed. If foreign central banks choose not to utilize the New York Fed, or move bonds from their accounts at the New York Fed to other custodians, the H.4.1 data will not provide an accurate read of foreign official inflows. The TIC data by itself has a transaction center bias that in some cases will cause foreign official flows to be reported as private flows. Federal Reserve adjustments, by making monthly flows consistent with annual data on positions, transform this transaction center bias into a more benign custodial center bias (and also correct for some other problems with the flows data). The Bureau of Economic Analysis moves last and thus can incorporate all of these sources into what should be the most comprehensive view of foreign official flows into the United States. That view shows that foreign official inflows maintained a high level of over $400 billion per year during the financial crisis, although the composition changed dramatically.
In particular, foreign official institutions no longer accumulate agency and corporate bonds, instead focusing their purchases on Treasury securities.
To date in 2010, by focusing solely on TIC’s reported foreign official flows, one would conclude that foreign governments have greatly reduced their demand for U.S. Treasury securities. But, recognizing that many foreign official flows are not identified as such in the TIC data, and that (1) total foreign flows into
treasuries remain strong. Foreign governments’demand for U.S. Treasury securities remains as strong as ever.
This paper has zeroed in on a particular type of capital flow: foreigners’ purchases (and sales) of U.S. Treasury secAP urities. But it is also useful to keep the broader picture in mind. Thus, the appendix provides a broader (but
cursory) view of U.S. international capital flows, primarily through an annotated table of U.S. capital flows, which will be updated each quarter.
Net financial flows into the United States (line 7) slowed only slightly during the financial crisis, even as foreigners sharply curtailed their purchases of U.S. securities (included in line 15). Reason: At the same time, U.S. investors ceased their purchases of foreign securities (line 10). But in 2009, foreigners’ demand for U.S. securities remained tepid and U.S. investors’ purchases of foreign securities resumed to some extent, and thus net financial inflows into the U.S. slowed substantially. Things to consider over the rest of 2010: Will foreign
official institutions (line 16) maintain their large flows into the United States? Will FDI (line 24) and equity flows (line 25) into the United States maintain their recent levels and perhaps even increase? Will U.S. corporate bonds (line 30) become a desirable asset class once again? And will U.S. investors step up their diversification into foreign markets?
An oddity in recent BOP data is U.S. government assets abroad (line 14). Most years these flows are approximately zero, but in 2008 they were very large. Reason: Included in this category are the currency swaps initiated by the Fed. When they were put on (in 2008), they were recorded as large outflows; as they were undone n 2009, a large inflow was recorded. Over time these currency swaps are designed to sum to zero in BOP terms.
16
17
Endnotes
1. Robert Triffin, Gold and the Dollar Crisis: The Future of Convertibility (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961).
2. Henny Sender, “China to Stick with U.S. Bonds,” FT.com, February 11, 2009.
3. See http://content.ksg.harvard.edu/blog/jeff_frankels_weblog/2008/02/23/the-euro-could-surpass-the-dollar-within%2010-years/.
4. The baseline CBO forecast must assume policies remain as they currently are, which means that temporary spending provisions are assumed
to expire, even if in practice they are often extended. For a discussion of various deficit and debt forecasts, see Alan Auerbach and William Gale,
“Déjà Vu All Over Again: On the Dismal Prospects for the Federal Budget” (Brookings Institution mimeograph, 2010), which notes that the
main concern is not in deficits over the next year or two, but medium- and long-term deficits.
5. Laubach’s analysis is explicitly about five-year projections of deficits (and debt), so one should caution against using it to make statements
about the impact of cyclical deficits. It is more appropriate for longer-term fiscal trends. See Thomas Laubach, “New Evidence on the Interest
Rate Effects of Budget Deficits and Debt,” Journal of the European Economic Association, vol. 7, no. 4, pp. 858–885.
6. David Malpass, chief economist of Bear Stearns, quoted in “Their Money, Our Strength,” Wall Street Journal, August 5, 2004.
7. See Francis E Warnock and Veronica Cacdac Warnock, “International Capital Flows and U.S. Interest Rates,” Journal of International Money
and Finance, vol. 28 (2009), pp. 90319.
8. For a more eloquent discussion of salient features of the U.S. Treasury market, see Brian Sack, “Dollar Asset Markets: Prospects after the Crisis,”
remarks at the ACI 2010 World Congress, Sydney, Australia, March 26, 2010.
9. See, for example, Jacques Delpla and Jakob von Weizsäcker, “The Blue Bond Proposal,” Bruegel Policy Brief 2010/03.
10. See Sack, “Dollar Asset Markets.”
11. These adjustments, developed by Charles Thomas, Francis E. Warnock, and Jon Wongswan in “The Performance of International Equity
Portfolios” (NBER Working Paper 12346, 2006) and refined by Carol Bertaut and Ralph Tryon in “Monthly Estimates of U.S. Cross-Border
Securities Positions” (FRB International Finance Discussion Paper No. 910, 2007), are updated each year on http://www.federalreserve.gov/
pubs/ifdp/2007/910/default.htm.
12. The transactions center bias in the TIC data on long-term securities flows derives from the fact that the respondents are asked to identify the
country through which the transaction was made, which can differ from the country of the ultimate buyer (in the case of inflows) or of the issuer
(in the case of outflows). Liabilities data collected on a custodial basis can also have a bias if the custodian and ultimate investor reside in different
countries. To see that the Federal Reserve adjustment is largely a removal of the transaction center bias, note that for Treasury bills, which are
collected by the TIC system on a custodial basis, the discrepancy between TIC and BOP data is quite modest.
13. Note that even with all available information, there is nothing pristine about transactions-based international capital flows data collected for
BOP purposes. A fundamental difficulty with such a data collection system is that it asks reporters to submit data that they would never collect on
their own. A financial intermediary would not naturally care about the residency of the parties on either side of a trade, but that is exactly what
BOP accounting rules ask them to do. More natural might be to obtain higher frequency reads on cross-border positions, something naturally
collected by custodians, and use them to calculate flows.
18
About the Author
Francis E. Warnock is Paul M. Hammaker associate professor of business administration at the Darden
Business School, University of Virginia, research associate at the National Bureau of Economic Research,
senior fellow at the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas’s Globalization and Monetary Policy Institute, and research
associate at Trinity College Dublin’s Institute for International Integration Studies.
Francis E. Warnock
June 2010
INTRODUCTION
In 1961, the Belgian economist Robert Triffin described the dilemma faced by the country at the center of the international monetary system.1 To supply the world’s risk-free asset, the center country must run a current account deficit and in doing so become ever more indebted to foreigners, until the risk-free asset that it issues ceases to be risk free. Precisely because the world is happy to have a dependable asset to hold as a store of value, it will buy so much of that asset that its issuer will become unsustainably burdened. The endgame to Triffin’s
paradox is a global, wholesale dumping of the center country’s securities. No one knows in advance when the tipping point will be reached, but the damage brought about by higher interest rates and slower economic growth will be readily apparent afterward.For a long time now, the United States has seemed vulnerable to the fate that Triffin predicted.
Since 1982 it has run a current account deficit every year but one, steadily piling up obligations to foreigners. Because foreigners have been eager to hold dollar assets, they have willingly enabled this pattern, pouring capital into
the United States and financing the nation’s surplus of spending over savings. The dollar’s status as the world’s reserve currency has become a facet of U.S. power, allowing the United States to borrow effortlessly and sustain large debt-financed military commitments.
Capital has tended to flood into the United States especially readily during moments of geopolitical stress, ensuring that the nation has had the financial wherewithal to conduct an assertive foreign policy precisely at moments when crises demanded it. But the capital inflows associated with the dollar’s reserve-currency status have created a vulnerability, too, opening the door to a foreign sell-off of U.S. securities that could drive up U.S. interest rates and render the nation’s formidable stock of debt far more expensive to service.
Late last year, this potential danger came close to becoming reality. Largely thanks to homegrown pressures, unrelated to Triffin’s dilemma, the world’s risk-free asset, the ten-year U.S. Treasury bond, was sagging.
With sizeable budget deficits, the prospects of an ever-increasing amount of government debt, the end of the Federal Reserve’s crisis-driven program of accumulating Treasury bonds, and an uptick in inflation expectations,
the ten-year Treasury yield increased by fifty basis points from 3.25 percent to 3.75 percent. And further increases were likely. Such increases would not only substantially raise the cost of future government borrowing, but would also threaten any recovery in housing and other interest-rate-sensitive sectors.
At the same time, moreover, foreigners seemed poised to drive U.S. borrowing costs higher. The dollar was falling sharply. Early in 2009 it fetched almost eighty euro cents in Frankfurt or Athens; by autumn it was worth sixty-seven euro cents.
Foreign investors, who held more than half of the U.S. Treasury market, were
getting nervous. Luo Ping, a director-general at the China Banking Regulatory Commission, summed up the angst:
Except for U.S. Treasuries, what can you hold? Gold? You don’t hold Japanese government bonds or UK bonds. U.S. Treasuries are the safe haven. For everyone, including China, it is the only option . . . . We know the dollar is going to depreciate, so we hate you guys, but there is nothing much we can do.
2 Was Triffin’s endgame—sudden reserve diversification, or the act of foreign governments abruptly shifting their funds from dollars to other currencies—about to become a reality? If so, the likeliest benefactor was the eurozone. Prominent economists opined that the euro would become the world’s reserve currency by as
early as 2015.
3 Through the first half of 2009 global investors seemed to agree: net inflows into eurozone debt instruments—that is, the rest of the world’s purchases of eurozone bonds less euro-area purchases of 2 foreign bonds—surged to record levels. The related plummeting of the dollar relative to the euro added to the
fear that global investors were abandoning the center country.
But then began the eurozone phase of the global financial crisis. This has provided the U.S. government with a timely respite from both domestic forces and Triffin’s endgame. U.S. policymakers need to understand that this is not a reset, not a new beginning; it is a lucky break. How the United States uses this reprieve will affect the nation’s ability to borrow for years to come, with broad implications for the sustainability of an active U.S. foreign policy.
In what follows we will walk through the domestic pressures on U.S. long-term interest rates, the role of global investors, the respite provided by the eurozone crisis, and policy implications. The story will be told primarily through pictures. For those interested in the methodology used to measure foreign official flows and a more detailed perspective on U.S. capital flows, a box and appendix are also provided.
DOMESTIC PRESSURES ON LONG-TERM RATES
In the autumn of 2009 at least three factors were weighing heavily on U.S. Treasury bond prices, driving interest rates (or “yields”) upward. Significantly, none of the three factors has diminished.
The first factor is the hangover from the financial crisis. On top of tax cuts and spending increases over the past decade, the stimulus spending and the decline in tax revenues resulting from the recession worsened the U.S. fiscal situation.
The budget deficit reached 10 percent of potential GDP in 2008, and even the baseline Congressional Budget Office forecast, which must include the implausible assumption that Congress will allow various “temporary” tax relief measures to expire, has U.S. public debt skyrocketing toward 100 percent of GDP (Figure 1, left panels).
4 Various economic theories provide a link from increases in either government debt (a stock figure) or budget deficits (a flow) and increases in interest rates, be it through the crowding out of private investment or through Keynesian increases in demand. Whatever theory one prefers,
Thomas Laubach showed that for each percentage point rise in the projected deficit-to-GDP ratio, longer term interest rates increase by about twenty-five basis points (or 0.25 percent); alternatively, each percentage point rise in the public debt-to-GDP ratio increases long rates by three to four basis points.5 Combining deficit (or debt) projections with the Laubach analysis, one might expect the fiscal situation to lead to a full percentage point (or even much greater) increase in long rates.
The second domestic factor exerting upward pressure on long rates is that demand from one source—the Federal Reserve—is likely to be scaled back. In 2009, the Fed purchased $300 billion in long-dated treasuries (Figure 1, right top panel). To the extent this put downward pressure on rates, the cessation of the Fed’s credit-
easing policy might be expected to lead to higher long rates.
A third factor on the radar screen is inflation expectations. An increase in inflation expectations can have a one-for-one impact on long-term nominal interest rates. Longer-term inflation expectations (Figure 1, right bottom panel) have been on a post-crisis upward march, putting yet more upward pressure on long rates.
In the autumn of 2009, the one domestic factor that was pulling rates lower was anything but comforting: concerns about a potential double-dip recession. As the U.S. recovery has strengthened, this factor has grown less significant. The result is that the balance of domestic forces in the United States now points to higher borrowing costs for the U.S. government. Adding together the pressure from large deficits, the cessation of the Fed’s crisis-response policies, and rising inflation expectations, one might expect the ten-year Treasury rate to
be at least one hundred basis points higher than it was a year ago. Oddly, and perhaps ominously, the actual ten-year Treasury rate at the start of June 2010 languishes at 3.4 percent, roughly unchanged from a year ago,
implying plenty of room for an upward spike.
THE ROLE OF GLOBAL INVESTORS
Not too long ago many were skeptical that foreign accumulation of U.S. debt securities materially affected U.S. rates. The view that such intervention did not matter was summed up concisely by the chief economist of an investment bank: “U.S. bond yields . . . have fluctuated over a wide range in response to many factors . . .but foreign buying . . . ha(s) simply not had much impact. Foreigners don’t have much influence . . .”6
At a July 2005 briefing, Senator Richard Shelby (R-AL) asked Federal Reserve chairman Alan Greenspan of foreign flows could affect long-term U.S. interest rates. In Greenspan’s response to the senator, he noted that while foreign accumulation probably lowered long-term U.S. interest rates, the effect was likely small, and so the unwinding of those positions, were it to occur, would only add a small amount to long rates. But at that time no one had a good sense of the dynamics of foreign demand for U.S. bonds. To calculate the effect of this demand on Treasury rates, economists seek to isolate the portion of foreign demand that comes from governments: Unlike private foreign purchases, which may fluctuate in response to Treasury rates, foreign government purchases are presumed to be insensitive to Treasury rates, so that changes in those rates can be presumed to be driven by government buying rather than the other way around. Greenspan’s
response to Senator Shelby was based on calculations that used data on bonds held at the New York Fed on behalf of foreign governments. But, while governments use the New York Fed’s custodial services for some purchases, they also hold U.S. bonds elsewhere, so the analysis was based on partial data. And while there have been many user-friendly improvements over the past few years, international capital flows data remain
hard to navigate. (For a discussion of various sources of data on foreign governments’ purchases and sales of U.S. securities, see Box 1).
However, a 2005 Federal Reserve discussion paper pointed to a better answer than the one that was generally accepted at the time of Shelby’s question.7 The paper began by showing how reported capital flows data could be adjusted for use in empirical analysis. Briefly, because of a bias in the Treasury International Capital data collected by the U.S. government, flows from foreign official institutions were often reported as being
from private investors. Infrequent but high-quality snapshots of stocks (as opposed to flows) do not suffer from this bias (although they are subject to a less severe bias, described in the box) and so can be used to correct flows data. Armed with such data, the authors found that foreign official purchases of treasuries had little if any impact on shorter-term U.S. rates (which are well anchored by the Fed Funds rate) but a substantial impact on U.S. long-term interest rates. The accumulation of U.S. treasuries (and near substitutes) by foreign official institutions, then running at about $400 billion per year, lowered long-term U.S. interest rates by anywhere from fifty to one hundred basis points; if foreign governments ceased adding treasuries to their portfolios, U.S. long-term rates could spike upward by the same amount. The increase would be much greater
if foreign governments actively sold existing Treasury positions. Equally, a cessation of purchases or a sell-off by foreign private investors could add even more to the upward pressure on U.S. interest rates, since foreign private investors remain large buyers.
The potential impact on the United States resulting from a sell-off has not diminished since the original discussion paper calculations, because foreigners have not reduced the size of their positions. Foreigners now hold over half of the Treasury bond market and almost a fifth of the corporate debt market.
6
T H E N E A R M I S S O F 2 0 0 9
The large foreign holdings of U.S. assets presented in Table 1 are only a threat to the United States if there is a risk that foreigners might abandon past patterns and decide to put their money elsewhere. In 2009, with domestic conditions pointing toward a surge in Treasury yields, major investors were thinking aloud about doing just that—witness the concern expressed by China’s Luo Ping that his country’s accumulation of riskfree
dollar assets was anything but risk-free. At the same time, other senior foreign officials were actively debating the future of the dollar as the global reserve currency. On a visit to Beijing in May 2009, Brazil’s president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, picked up on his hosts’ frustration with the U.S. currency. Calling for a “new economic order,” he suggested that it was time to stop denominating trade in dollars.
Sure enough, foreign flows into U.S. Treasury bonds declined steeply in the first months of 2009. Yet they remained positive, and recovered in the second half of the year (Figure 2). While not as pronounced as in 20032004, foreign appetite for the reserve asset remained at a high level.
Even though foreign appetite for U.S. treasuries remained healthy, this did not eliminate the risk to the United States. The reason was that U.S. debt issuance was increasing sharply, and foreigners were holding a 7 smaller share of outstanding U.S. bonds. This raised the specter of a future in which the United States would likely have to issue more and more bonds, but foreign demand might not keep pace.
In 2009 foreign official inflows either decreased or increased, and the amount of inflows was as high as $448 billion or as little as $36 billion. Nor is this extraordinary discrepancy confined to 2009. For 2010,such data as are currently available suggest that foreign official flows have either surged or plummeted.
Which is it?
Foreign Official Flows ($billions, annual averages)
20042007 2008 2009 2010
BEA’s Quarterly Balance of Payment (BOP) Data
Foreign official flows into the United States 406 487 448
U.S. Treasury securities 173 478 490
Short-term bills and certificates -7 272 63
Medium-to-long-term bonds and notes 181 205 427
U.S. agency securities 133 66 -39
Other foreign official inflows 100 -56 -4
13
Treasury’s Monthly TIC Data
through
March
Foreign official flows into the United States 213 158 36 -38
U.S. Treasury securities 82 336 238 2
Short-term bills and certificates -3 259 76 -28
Medium-to-long-term bonds and notes 86 77 161 30
U.S. agency securities 66 -32 -43 -4
Other foreign official inflows 64 -147 -159 -36
memo items: Selected Federal Reserve adjustments
Treasury bonds, foreign official flows 113 198
Treasury bonds, private flows -75 -104
New York Fed’s Weekly H.4.1 Custodial Data
through
May
Foreign official flows into the United States 253 383 418 319
Change in holdings of Treasury securities 116 203 543 304
Change in holdings of agency securities 137 180 -125 14
Annual averages, except for partial 2010 data.
The three data sources conflict because of different methodologies. The monthly TIC data “identifies” foreign
official flows as those that originate from a recognized foreign official institution. Any transaction run through a shell company or even a non-U.S. intermediary shows up in the TIC data, but not as a foreign official flow. That is, the TIC data on foreign official flows should be viewed as a lower bound. Hence, in Figures 2 and 6 both “identified” foreign official flows and total foreign flows are shown; true foreign official
flows are likely somewhere between the two lines.
One read on the extent of private flows that should be “shuffled” into foreign official flows is provided by Federal Reserve adjustments.
11 Those adjustments, shown in the “memo items” listed under the TIC data in
the above table, shift roughly $100 billion a year from private to foreign official inflows. These adjustments are, however, also partial, as they are based on a reconciliation of the monthly flows with annual snapshots of custodial holdings. That is, they replace a severe transaction center bias with a much less severe custodial
center bias.
12 While this is an improvement, even this adjustment cannot be viewed as complete as any foreign official institution that wants to mask its holdings can do so by using a foreign custodian.
13 The different reported amounts of foreign official inflows can be reconciled. The New York Fed’s H.4.1 data, the most timely, is custodial based and for only one custodian, the New York Fed. If foreign central banks choose not to utilize the New York Fed, or move bonds from their accounts at the New York Fed to other custodians, the H.4.1 data will not provide an accurate read of foreign official inflows. The TIC data by itself has a transaction center bias that in some cases will cause foreign official flows to be reported as private flows. Federal Reserve adjustments, by making monthly flows consistent with annual data on positions, transform this transaction center bias into a more benign custodial center bias (and also correct for some other problems with the flows data). The Bureau of Economic Analysis moves last and thus can incorporate all of these sources into what should be the most comprehensive view of foreign official flows into the United States. That view shows that foreign official inflows maintained a high level of over $400 billion per year during the financial crisis, although the composition changed dramatically.
In particular, foreign official institutions no longer accumulate agency and corporate bonds, instead focusing their purchases on Treasury securities.
To date in 2010, by focusing solely on TIC’s reported foreign official flows, one would conclude that foreign governments have greatly reduced their demand for U.S. Treasury securities. But, recognizing that many foreign official flows are not identified as such in the TIC data, and that (1) total foreign flows into
treasuries remain strong. Foreign governments’demand for U.S. Treasury securities remains as strong as ever.
This paper has zeroed in on a particular type of capital flow: foreigners’ purchases (and sales) of U.S. Treasury secAP urities. But it is also useful to keep the broader picture in mind. Thus, the appendix provides a broader (but
cursory) view of U.S. international capital flows, primarily through an annotated table of U.S. capital flows, which will be updated each quarter.
Net financial flows into the United States (line 7) slowed only slightly during the financial crisis, even as foreigners sharply curtailed their purchases of U.S. securities (included in line 15). Reason: At the same time, U.S. investors ceased their purchases of foreign securities (line 10). But in 2009, foreigners’ demand for U.S. securities remained tepid and U.S. investors’ purchases of foreign securities resumed to some extent, and thus net financial inflows into the U.S. slowed substantially. Things to consider over the rest of 2010: Will foreign
official institutions (line 16) maintain their large flows into the United States? Will FDI (line 24) and equity flows (line 25) into the United States maintain their recent levels and perhaps even increase? Will U.S. corporate bonds (line 30) become a desirable asset class once again? And will U.S. investors step up their diversification into foreign markets?
An oddity in recent BOP data is U.S. government assets abroad (line 14). Most years these flows are approximately zero, but in 2008 they were very large. Reason: Included in this category are the currency swaps initiated by the Fed. When they were put on (in 2008), they were recorded as large outflows; as they were undone n 2009, a large inflow was recorded. Over time these currency swaps are designed to sum to zero in BOP terms.
16
17
Endnotes
1. Robert Triffin, Gold and the Dollar Crisis: The Future of Convertibility (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961).
2. Henny Sender, “China to Stick with U.S. Bonds,” FT.com, February 11, 2009.
3. See http://content.ksg.harvard.edu/blog/jeff_frankels_weblog/2008/02/23/the-euro-could-surpass-the-dollar-within%2010-years/.
4. The baseline CBO forecast must assume policies remain as they currently are, which means that temporary spending provisions are assumed
to expire, even if in practice they are often extended. For a discussion of various deficit and debt forecasts, see Alan Auerbach and William Gale,
“Déjà Vu All Over Again: On the Dismal Prospects for the Federal Budget” (Brookings Institution mimeograph, 2010), which notes that the
main concern is not in deficits over the next year or two, but medium- and long-term deficits.
5. Laubach’s analysis is explicitly about five-year projections of deficits (and debt), so one should caution against using it to make statements
about the impact of cyclical deficits. It is more appropriate for longer-term fiscal trends. See Thomas Laubach, “New Evidence on the Interest
Rate Effects of Budget Deficits and Debt,” Journal of the European Economic Association, vol. 7, no. 4, pp. 858–885.
6. David Malpass, chief economist of Bear Stearns, quoted in “Their Money, Our Strength,” Wall Street Journal, August 5, 2004.
7. See Francis E Warnock and Veronica Cacdac Warnock, “International Capital Flows and U.S. Interest Rates,” Journal of International Money
and Finance, vol. 28 (2009), pp. 90319.
8. For a more eloquent discussion of salient features of the U.S. Treasury market, see Brian Sack, “Dollar Asset Markets: Prospects after the Crisis,”
remarks at the ACI 2010 World Congress, Sydney, Australia, March 26, 2010.
9. See, for example, Jacques Delpla and Jakob von Weizsäcker, “The Blue Bond Proposal,” Bruegel Policy Brief 2010/03.
10. See Sack, “Dollar Asset Markets.”
11. These adjustments, developed by Charles Thomas, Francis E. Warnock, and Jon Wongswan in “The Performance of International Equity
Portfolios” (NBER Working Paper 12346, 2006) and refined by Carol Bertaut and Ralph Tryon in “Monthly Estimates of U.S. Cross-Border
Securities Positions” (FRB International Finance Discussion Paper No. 910, 2007), are updated each year on http://www.federalreserve.gov/
pubs/ifdp/2007/910/default.htm.
12. The transactions center bias in the TIC data on long-term securities flows derives from the fact that the respondents are asked to identify the
country through which the transaction was made, which can differ from the country of the ultimate buyer (in the case of inflows) or of the issuer
(in the case of outflows). Liabilities data collected on a custodial basis can also have a bias if the custodian and ultimate investor reside in different
countries. To see that the Federal Reserve adjustment is largely a removal of the transaction center bias, note that for Treasury bills, which are
collected by the TIC system on a custodial basis, the discrepancy between TIC and BOP data is quite modest.
13. Note that even with all available information, there is nothing pristine about transactions-based international capital flows data collected for
BOP purposes. A fundamental difficulty with such a data collection system is that it asks reporters to submit data that they would never collect on
their own. A financial intermediary would not naturally care about the residency of the parties on either side of a trade, but that is exactly what
BOP accounting rules ask them to do. More natural might be to obtain higher frequency reads on cross-border positions, something naturally
collected by custodians, and use them to calculate flows.
18
About the Author
Francis E. Warnock is Paul M. Hammaker associate professor of business administration at the Darden
Business School, University of Virginia, research associate at the National Bureau of Economic Research,
senior fellow at the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas’s Globalization and Monetary Policy Institute, and research
associate at Trinity College Dublin’s Institute for International Integration Studies.
Sunday, October 2, 2011
2008 GE12 results
Banner King
2011年1月23日 星期日
2008年马来西亚第12届全国大选最新成绩(国席)
玻璃市：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P1 巴东勿剎 (PADANG BESAR) (国阵巫统) 阿兹米卡立 16,991 57.97 (回教党) 朱卡南 11,643 5,348 674 80.05 36,613
2 P2 加央 (KANGAR) (国阵巫统) 拉西 23,821 68.49 (公正党) 东姑阿都拉曼 10,150 13,671 808 80.17 43,591
3 P3 亚娄 (ARAU) (国阵巫统) 依斯迈拿卡欣 16,451 49.57 (回教党) 哈仑汀 16,151 300 586 83.23 39,877
吉打：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P4 浮罗交怡 (LANGKAWI) (国阵巫统) 阿布峇卡 13,762 59.26 (公正党) 旺沙列 8,792 4,970 670 78.55 29,567
2 P5 尤崙 (JERLUN) (国阵巫统) 慕克力马哈迪 19,424 52.16 (回教党) 依德利斯阿末 17,219 2,205 599 81.83 45,513
3 P6 古邦巴素 (KUBANG PASU) (国阵巫统) 佐哈里 24,179 57.26 (回教党) 依沙依斯迈 17,119 7,060 928 79.19 53,323
4 P7 巴东得腊 (PADANG TERAP) (回教党) 莫哈末纳希 15,003 49.34 (国阵巫统) 卡查里 14,634 369 770 86.00 35,403
5 P8 波各先那 (POKOK SENA) (回教党) 马夫兹 29,687 54.29 (国阵巫统) 阿都拉曼依布拉欣 23,956 5,731 1,039 79.44 69,631
6 P9 亚罗士打 (ALOR SETAR) (国阵马华) 曹智雄 20,741 48.17 (公正党) 魏晓隆 20,557 184 1,757 73.28 58,957
7 P10 吉打港口 (KUALA KEDAH) (公正党) 阿末卡欣 35,689 54.28 (国阵巫统) 哈欣耶也 28,671 7,018 1,385 79.08 83,132
8 P11 本同 (PENDANG) (回教党) 莫哈末哈耶迪 27,311 52.99 (国阵巫统) 罗再沙菲岸 23,238 4,073 991 84.19 61,346
9 P12 日莱 (JERAI) (回教党) 莫哈末费道斯 26,510 51.19 (国阵巫统) 峇达鲁丁 24,211 2,299 1,070 78.78 65,739
10 P13 锡 (SIK) (回教党) 仄乌达仄聂 16,864 49.96 (国阵巫统) 奥士曼帝沙 16,383 481 505 86.15 40,339
11 P14 傌莫 (MERBOK) (公正党) 拉昔丁 25,541 51.78 (国阵巫统) 达祖乌鲁斯 22,443 3,098 1,338 77.15 64,443
12 P15 双溪大年 (SUNGAI PETANI) (公正党) 佐哈里阿都 33,822 57.08 (国阵巫统) 再努丁麦丁 24,441 9,381 986 77.84 76,284
13 P16 华玲 (BALING) (回教党) 泰益阿占慕丁 36,074 54.92 (国阵巫统) 阿都阿兹拉欣 28,461 7,613 1,154 83.74 78,784
14 P17 巴东色海 (PADANG SERAI) (公正党) 哥巴拉克里斯南 28,774 61.13 (国阵马华) 梅振仁 17,036 11,738 1,259 79.58 59,218
15 P18 居林万拉峇鲁 (KULIM-BANDAR BAHARU) (公正党) 朱基菲里诺丁 22,255 55.71 (国阵巫统) 阿都阿兹 16,672 5,583 1,022 77.28 51,995
吉兰丹：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P19 道北 (TUMPAT) (回教党) 卡玛鲁丁查化 36,714 56.41 (国阵巫统) 阿斯拉夫华迪 27,337 9,377 1,032 81.49 80,072
2 P20 彭加兰吉巴 (PENGKALAN CHEPA) (回教党) 阿都哈林 26,763 62.56 (国阵巫统) 拉欣奥斯曼 15,452 11,311 564 82.23 52,350
3 P21 哥打峇鲁 (KOTA BHARU) (回教党) 旺阿都拉欣 32,129 59.97 (国阵巫统) 法米仄沙列 20,841 11,288 609 78.68 68,261
4 P22 巴西马 (PASIR MAS) (回教党) 依布拉欣阿里 28,673 58.26 (国阵巫统) 罗斯迪玛哈末 19,682 8,991 864 82.74 59,640
5 P23 兰斗班让 (RANTAU PANJANG) (回教党) 茜蒂再拉 19,344 54.69 (国阵巫统) 莫哈末阿芬迪 14,858 4,486 837 78.11 45,384
6 P24 古邦阁亮 (KUBANG KERIAN) (回教党) 沙拉胡丁阿约 27,179 61.28 (国阵巫统) 阿都甘尼玛末 16,537 10,642 638 83.14 53,496
7 P25 万捷 (BACHOK) (回教党) 纳沙鲁丁 28,835 51.88 (国阵巫统) 阿旺阿迪 25,934 2,901 811 85.98 64,808
8 P26 格底里 (KETEREH) (公正党) 阿都阿兹 21,738 49.33 (国阵巫统) 安努亚慕沙 21,338 400 993 84.95 52,240
9 P27 丹那美拉 (TANAH MERAH) (公正党) 安南甘尼 17,554 48.72 (国阵巫统) 沙哈里哈山 15,970 1,584 1,064 81.46 44,347
10 P28 巴西富地 (PASIR PUTEH) (回教党) 莫哈末胡欣 28,365 52.87 (国阵巫统) 安兰末诺 24,397 3,968 886 83.52 64,393
11 P29 马樟 (MACHANG) (公正党) 赛夫丁 21,041 50.86 (国阵巫统) 沙兹米 19,581 1,460 748 84.41 49,157
12 P30 日里 (JELI) (国阵巫统) 慕斯达法 17,168 56.52 (回教党) 莫哈末阿邦迪 12,732 4,436 474 84.18 36,298
13 P31 瓜拉吉赖 (KUALA KRAI) (回教党) 莫哈末哈达南利 23,562 54.93 (国阵巫统) 仄慕沙 18,578 4,984 756 82.32 52,250
14 P32 话望生 (GUA MUSANG) (国阵巫统) 东姑拉沙里 14,063 58.06 (回教党) 祖基菲莫哈末 9,669 4,394 489 83.77 28,986
登嘉楼：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P33 勿述 (BESUT) (国阵巫统) 阿都拉辛 29,376 60.16 (回教党) 胡辛阿旺 18,786 10,590 668 84.49 58,353
2 P34 士兆 (SETIU) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末基汀 26,610 56.83 (回教党) 莫哈末宝兹慕达 19,378 7,232 833 85.88 54,520
3 P35 瓜拉尼鲁斯 (KUALA NERUS) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末纳西依布拉欣 26,439 50.60 (回教党) 慕哈曼苏克里姆 25,098 1,341 713 85.83 61,214
4 P36 瓜拉登嘉楼 (KUALA TERENGGANU) (国阵巫统) 拉查理依斯迈 32,562 49.25 (回教党) 莫哈末沙布 31,934 628 931 82.45 80,325
5 P37 马江 (MARANG) (回教党) 哈迪阿旺 33,435 51.49 (国阵巫统) 阿末兰兹 30,688 2,747 806 86.89 74,813
6 P38 乌鲁登嘉楼 (HULU TERENGGANU) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末诺奥斯曼 27,784 60.64 (回教党) 卡玛鲁查曼阿都拉 17,324 10,460 709 87.54 52,515
7 P39 龙运 (DUNGUN) (国阵巫统) 马督里迪祖索 29,264 53.73 (公正党) 三苏依斯干达尤斯里 24,270 4,994 930 83.98 64,851
8 P40 甘马挽 (KEMAMAN) (国阵巫统) 阿末沙比里 37,199 59.24 (公正党) 法里兹慕沙 24,516 12,683 1,077 83.82 75,006
檳城：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P41 甲拋峇底 (KEPALA BATAS) (国阵巫统) 阿都拉 23,445 64.63 (回教党) 索比利莫哈末亚尔沙 12,199 11,246 634 84.45 43,018
2 P42 打西汝莪 (TASEK GELUGOR) (国阵巫统) 诺莫哈末 20,448 55.34 (回教党) 依斯迈沙烈 15,901 4,547 600 87.98 44,466
3 P43 峇眼 (BAGAN) (行动党) 林冠英 33,748 73.06 (国阵马华) 宋彩苓 11,678 22,070 766 77.84 59,385
4 P44 峇东埔 (PERMATANG PAUH) (公正党) 旺阿兹莎 30,338 64.01 (国阵巫统) 菲道斯 16,950 13,388 110 81.10 58,449
5 P45 大山脚 (BUKIT MERTAJAM) (行动党) 章瑛 37,882 72.51 (国阵马华) 王嵣荃 13,431 24,451 931 79.31 64,080
6 P46 峇都交湾 (BATU KAWAN) (行动党) 拉玛沙米 23,067 61.86 (国阵民政党) 许子根 13,582 9,485 640 78.70 47,378
7 P47 高渊 (NIBONG TEBAL) (公正党) 陈智铭 20,210 53.02 (国阵巫统) 再纳阿比丁 17,123 3,087 784 80.20 47,540
8 P48 升旗山 (BUKIT BENDERA) (行动党) 刘镇东 31,243 66.45 (国阵民政党) 谢宽泰 15,131 16,112 642 72.98 64,545
9 P49 丹绒 (TANJONG) (行动党) 曹观友 28,248 73.11 (国阵民政党) 许文思 9,759 18,489 631 72.80 53,188
10 P50 日落洞 (JELUTONG) (行动党) 黄泉安 30,493 65.77 (国阵民政党) 涂仲仪 14,247 16,246 743 74.56 61,181
11 P51 武吉牛汝莪 (BUKIT GELUGOR) (行动党) 卡巴星 35,140 70.32 (国阵马华) 郭家驊 14,125 21,015 707 76.16 65,614
12 P52 峇央峇鲁 (BAYAN BARU) (公正党) 再林 27,618 61.56 (国阵马华) 黄秀金 16,589 11,029 655 73.90 60,713
13 P53 浮罗山背 (BALIK PULAU) (公正党) 尤斯马尼 15,749 50.17 (国阵巫统) 诺莱莎 15,041 708 601 77.40 39,765
霹靂：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P54 宜力 (GERIK) (国阵民政党) 陈莲花 12,526 62.23 (回教党) 莫哈末诺 6,953 5,573 649 78.13 26,229
2 P55 玲瓏 (LENGGONG) (国阵巫统) 三苏安华 10,992 63.26 (回教党) 莫哈末祖基菲 6,073 4,919 311 75.08 23,223
3 P56 拉律 (LARUT) (国阵巫统) 韩沙查鲁汀 15,878 52.00 (回教党) 莫哈末达里 13,967 1,911 687 77.06 39,697
4 P57 巴里文打 (PARIT BUNTAR) (回教党) 慕加希 21,221 59.76 (国阵巫统) 阿都拉曼苏丽曼 13,670 7,551 618 78.71 45,219
5 P58 峇眼色海 (BAGAN SERAI) (公正党) 慕辛法兹利 18,943 53.12 (国阵巫统) 再纳阿比丁辛 15,530 3,413 1,186 76.92 47,111
6 P59 武吉干当 (BUKIT GANTANG) (回教党) 罗斯兰 20,015 49.80 (国阵巫统) 阿欣查比迪 18,449 1,566 851 72.65 55,471
7 P60 太平 (TAIPING) (行动党) 倪可敏 28,098 60.41 (国阵进步党) 卡维斯 16,800 11,298 1,612 71.52 65,889
8 P61 硝山 (PADANG RENGAS) (国阵巫统) 纳兹里 9,830 53.80 (公正党) 阿里亚斯再润 8,081 1,749 362 75.21 24,397
9 P62 和丰 (SUNGAI SIPUT) (公正党) 再也古玛 16,458 49.93 (国阵国大党) 三美威鲁 14,637 1,821 1,001 69.91 47,424
10 P63 打捫 (TAMBUN) (国阵巫统) 阿末胡斯尼 27,942 54.34 (公正党) 莫哈末阿斯里 22,556 5,386 927 75.17 68,966
11 P64 怡保东区 (IPOH TIMOR) (行动党) 林吉祥 37,364 69.85 (国阵马华) 刘文汉 15,422 21,942 707 70.45 76,647
12 P65 怡保西区 (IPOH BARAT) (行动党) 古拉 32,576 64.57 (国阵马华) 易沛鸿 17,042 15,534 829 72.58 69,773
13 P66 华都牙也 (BATU GAJAH) (行动党) 冯宝君 39,922 71.13 (国阵马华) 谢玉权 15,295 24,627 911 72.78 77,313
14 P67 江沙 (KUALA KANGSAR) (国阵巫统) 拉菲达 10,735 52.66 (回教党) 凯鲁丁 9,277 1,458 373 73.34 28,325
15 P68 木威 (BERUAS) (行动党) 倪可汉 15,831 51.53 (国阵民政党) 郑可扬 14,003 1,828 889 71.22 43,273
16 P69 巴力 (PARIT) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末尼沙 12,399 54.98 (回教党) 娜芝哈 9,526 2,873 628 78.30 28,859
17 P70 金宝 (KAMPAR) (国阵马华) 李志亮 20,126 52.14 (行动党) 龚明勋 17,429 2,697 1,048 65.16 59,784
18 P71 务边 (GOPENG) (公正党) 李文材 29,696 55.71 (国阵马华) 林熙隆 22,328 7,368 1,279 71.70 74,344
19 P72 打巴 (TAPAH) (国阵国大党) 沙拉瓦南 14,084 52.53 (公正党) 陈升德 11,064 3,020 1,662 70.12 38,236
20 P73 巴西沙叻 (PASIR SALAK) (国阵巫统) 达祖丁 16,928 52.71 (公正党) 慕斯达化卡米尔 14,240 2,688 950 75.20 42,712
21 P74 红土坎 (LUMUT) (国阵马华) 江作汉 25,698 48.50 (公正党) 苏华迪沙夫万 25,400 298 1,884 72.81 72,766
22 P75 峇眼拿督 (BAGAN DATOK) (国阵巫统) 阿末扎希 13,115 53.86 (公正党) 马兹哈山 10,423 2,692 814 70.42 34,670
23 P76 安顺 (TELUK INTAN) (行动党) 马诺佳能 18,486 50.43 (国阵民政党) 马袖强 17,016 1,470 1,153 70.17 52,354
24 P77 丹绒马林 (TANJONG MALIM) (国阵马华) 黄家泉 21,016 55.37 (公正党) 莫哈末阿兹曼 15,594 5,422 1,344 71.25 53,481
彭亨：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P78 金马崙高原 (CAMERON HIGHLANDS) (国阵国大党) 迪温玛尼 9,164 55.89 (行动党) 亚巴拉三美 6,047 3,117 1,186 70.14 23,461
2 P79 立卑 (LIPIS) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末沙仑 12,611 58.26 (回教党) 莫哈末聂南 8,474 4,137 561 76.55 28,425
3 P80 劳勿 (RAUB) (国阵马华) 黄燕燕 18,078 52.68 (行动党) 阿布巴卡 15,326 2,752 915 74.18 46,454
4 P81 而连突 (JERANTUT) (国阵巫统) 东姑阿兹兰沙 19,543 51.47 (回教党) 韩沙惹化 17,597 1,946 829 78.01 48,812
5 P82 英迪拉马哥打 (INDERA MAHKOTA) (公正党) 阿占依斯迈 19,823 50.43 (国阵巫统) 沙拉蒙阿里 18,796 1,027 688 77.44 51,235
6 P83 关丹 (KUANTAN) (公正党) 傅芝雅 18,398 51.69 (国阵马华) 胡亚桥 16,572 1,826 623 74.92 47,745
7 P84 巴耶勿沙 (PAYA BESAR) (国阵巫统) 拿督阿都马南 19,355 62.75 (公正党) 莫哈末杰菲里 10,852 8,503 637 77.45 39,882
8 P85 北根 (PEKAN) (国阵巫统) 纳吉 36,262 76.63 (公正党) 凯鲁安华 9,798 26,464 1,261 82.23 58,217
9 P86 马兰 (MARAN) (国阵巫统) 依斯迈慕达利 15,868 62.01 (回教党) 纳斯鲁丁 9,227 6,641 495 78.95 32,517
10 P87 瓜拉吉挠 (KUALA KRAU) (国阵巫统) 依斯迈莫哈末赛 16,165 58.69 (回教党) 卡马沙利 10,900 5,265 479 80.83 34,139
11 P88 淡马鲁 (TEMERLOH) (国阵巫统) 赛夫丁 21,381 51.84 (公正党) 阿末尼占 18,940 2,441 924 76.37 54,010
12 P89 文冬 (BENTONG) (国阵马华) 廖中莱 25,134 64.44 (公正党) 波罗沙美 12,585 12,549 1,285 73.01 53,651
13 P90 百乐 (BERA) (国阵巫统) 依斯迈沙比利 18,051 54.59 (回教党) 马兹兰阿利曼 14,230 3,821 783 76.91 42,993
14 P91 云冰 (ROMPIN) (国阵巫统) 贾马鲁丁 21,308 65.04 (回教党) 马兹兰耶欣 10,629 10,679 824 79.04 41,701
雪兰莪：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P92 沙白安南 (SABAK BERNAM) (国阵巫统) 阿都拉曼 12,055 51.33 (公正党) 峇鲁阿敏 10,720 1,335 711 75.00 31,381
2 P93 大港 (SUNGAI BESAR) (国阵巫统) 诺丽雅 16,069 57.83 (回教党) 奥斯曼沙布朗 11,060 5,009 656 81.69 34,073
3 P94 乌鲁雪兰莪 (ULU SELANGOR) (公正党) 再纳阿比丁 23,177 48.67 (国阵国大党) G.巴拉尼威 22,979 198 1,466 74.89 63,593
4 P95 丹绒加弄 (TANJONG KARANG) (国阵巫统) 诺奥玛 16,073 55.42 (回教党) 莫哈末哈尼巴 12,253 3,820 674 79.83 36,391
5 P96 瓜拉雪兰莪 (KUALA SELANGOR) (回教党) 祖基菲里阿末 18,796 49.96 (国阵巫统) 阿兹再也 17,934 862 894 79.81 47,203
6 P97 士拉央 (SELAYANG) (公正党) 梁自坚 30,701 50.60 (国阵马华) 李丽友 27,134 3,567 1,506 76.57 79,557
7 P98 鹅嘜 (GOMBAK) (公正党) 阿兹敏阿里 40,334 54.05 (国阵巫统) 赛安华 33,467 6,867 820 76.26 99,153
8 P99 安邦 (AMPANG) (公正党) 祖莱达 26,995 52.98 (国阵巫统) 阿兹曼 23,319 3,676 636 73.70 69,132
9 P100 班登 (PANDAN) (国阵马华) 翁诗杰 25,236 52.24 (公正党) 赛沙希尔 22,275 2,961 798 74.90 64,497
10 P101 乌鲁冷岳 (HULU LANGAT) (回教党) 茦罗斯利 36,124 50.24 (国阵巫统) 马基曼 34,379 1,745 1,401 80.02 90,319
11 P102 沙登 (SERDANG) (行动党) 张念群 47,444 62.48 (国阵马华) 何啟利 26,419 21,025 2,072 80.35 94,877
12 P103 蒲种 (PUCHONG) (行动党) 哥宾星 35,079 60.77 (国阵民政党) 卢永平 22,486 12,593 158 78.44 75,625
13 P104 格拉那再也 (KELANA JAYA) (公正党) 罗国本 30,298 51.77 (国阵马华) 李华民 25,267 5,031 1,065 73.61 79,649
14 P105 八打灵再也南区 (PJ SELATAN) (公正党) 许来贤 28,598 54.44 (国阵马华) 林祥才 22,892 5,706 1,044 71.91 73,192
15 P106 八打灵再也北区 (PJ UTARA) (行动党) 潘俭伟 37,851 67.28 (国阵马华) 周美芬 17,879 19,972 527 73.47 76,618
16 P107 梳邦 (SUBANG) (公正党) 西华拉沙 35,024 53.54 (国阵国大党) 慕鲁根山 28,315 6,709 2,079 78.02 84,414
17 P108 沙亚南 (SHAH ALAM) (回教党) 卡利阿都沙末 33,356 57.36 (国阵巫统) 阿都阿兹三苏汀 24,042 9,314 749 77.47 75,334
18 P109 加埔 (KAPAR) (公正党) 马尼卡瓦沙甘 48,196 55.30 (国阵国大党) 柯玛拉 35,899 12,297 3,064 78.10 112,224
19 P110 巴生 (KLANG) (行动党) 查尔斯圣地亚哥 37,990 64.05 (国阵马华) 庄祷融 20,289 17,701 1,036 76.23 77,816
20 P111 哥打拉惹 (KOTA RAJA) (回教党) 希蒂玛丽亚 38,630 67.39 (国阵国大党) 威尼斯瓦兰 17,879 20,751 814 79.74 71,887
21 P112 瓜拉冷岳 (KUALA LANGAT) (公正党) 阿都拉沙尼 26,687 50.55 (国阵巫统) 哈芝苏莱曼 25,698 989 407 79.37 66,515
22 P113 雪邦 (SEPANG) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末欣 26,381 53.83 (回教党) 莫哈末玛奇 21,532 4,849 1,099 79.20 62,044
吉隆坡联邦直辖区：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P114 甲洞 (KEPONG) (行动党) 陈胜尧 35,552 74.90 (国阵民政党) 刘开强 11,704 23,848 212 78.10 60,775
2 P115 峇都 (BATU) (公正党) 蔡添强 29,785 58.71 (国阵民政党) 林时彬 20,330 9,455 614 72.72 70,544
3 P116 旺沙马朱 (WANGSA MAJU) (公正党) 黄朱强 19,637 49.74 (国阵马华) 姚长禄 19,487 150 357 73.01 54,509
4 P117 泗岩沫 (SEGAMBUT) (行动党) 林立迎 25,046 58.38 (国阵民政党) 马伟祺 17,314 7,732 541 72.93 59,690
5 P118 斯迪亚旺沙 (SETIAWANGSA) (国阵巫统) 朱哈斯南 25,489 58.24 (公正党) 依布拉欣 17,355 8,134 918 76.56 57,161
6 P119 帝帝皇沙 (TITIWANGSA) (回教党) 洛洛莫哈末卡扎里 17,857 52.62 (国阵巫统) 阿兹加马鲁丁 15,885 1,972 191 68.01 49,892
7 P120 武吉免登 (BUKIT BINTANG) (行动党) 方贵伦 26,811 67.35 (国阵马华) 李崇孟 12,534 14,277 466 66.37 59,986
8 P121 班底谷 (LEMBAH PANTAI) (公正党) 努鲁依莎 21,728 52.62 (国阵巫统) 莎丽扎 18,833 2,895 239 72.88 56,650
9 P122 士布爹 (SEPUTEH) (行动党) 郭素沁 47,230 81.23 (国阵马华) 周紫琳 10,738 36,492 174 75.70 76,891
10 P123 蕉赖 (CHERAS) (行动党) 陈国伟 39,253 77.81 (国阵马华) 吴心一 10,953 28,300 244 73.58 68,725
11 P124 敦拉萨镇 (BANDAR TUN RAZAK) (公正党) 卡立依布拉欣 28,123 51.66 (国阵马华) 陈财和 25,608 2,515 707 75.72 72,628
布城联邦直辖区：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P125 布城 (PUTRAJAYA) (国阵巫统) 东姑安南 4,038 75.06 (回教党) 莫哈末诺 1,304 2,734 38 81.96 6,608
森美兰：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P126 日叻务 (JELEBU) (国阵巫统) 莱士雅丁 19,737 68.93 (回教党) 诺曼依彬 8,127 11,610 769 75.05 38,682
2 P127 仁保 (JEMPOL) (国阵巫统) 利拉耶辛 25,294 64.33 (回教党) 茜蒂玛丽亚 12,974 12,320 1,054 73.53 53,478
3 P128 芙蓉 (SEREMBAN) (行动党) 约翰费南迪 32,970 51.32 (国阵马华) 尤绰韜 29,022 3,948 2,248 76.10 84,675
4 P129 瓜拉庇劳 (KUALA PILAH) (国阵巫统) 哈山马力 20,417 64.34 (公正党) 安华莫哈末沙烈 10,409 10,008 908 74.79 42,328
5 P130 亚沙 (RASAH) (行动党) 陆兆福 34,271 60.49 (国阵马华) 姚再添 21,120 13,151 1,261 78.56 72,115
6 P131 林茂 (REMBAU) (国阵巫统) 凯里 26,525 54.82 (公正党) 巴都鲁希山 20,779 5,746 1,086 77.75 62,896
7 P132 直落甘望 (TELOK KEMANG) (公正党) 卡玛鲁巴哈林 23,348 50.99 (国阵国大党) 索迪纳登 20,544 2,804 1,299 77.45 60,186
8 P133 淡边 (TAMPIN) (国阵巫统) 沙兹曼 24,022 66.58 (回教党) 拉查吉 10,943 13,079 1,115 76.24 47,655
马六甲：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P134 马日丹那 (MASJID TANAH) (国阵巫统) 阿布瑟曼尤索夫 21,582 68.31 (回教党) 阿都甘尼 9,297 12,285 717 78.10 40,606
2 P135 亚罗牙也 (ALOR GAJAH) (国阵马华) 冯镇安 26,354 63.08 (行动党) 陈丽香 13,470 12,884 1,953 77.37 54,097
3 P136 冬牙峇株 (TANGGA BATU) (国阵巫统) 伊德利斯哈仑 30,460 61.32 (公正党) 再农嘉化 15,960 14,500 3,255 82.53 60,188
4 P137 武吉卡迪 (BUKIT KATIL) (国阵巫统) 末西蜡阿布 30,975 50.48 (公正党) 卡立耶化 29,217 1,758 1,173 81.92 75,777
5 P138 马六甲市区 (KOTA MELAKA) (行动党) 沉同钦 38,640 57.38 (国阵马华) 王乃志 27,250 11,390 1,448 79.57 84,805
6 P139 野新 (JASIN) (国阵巫统) 阿末韩查 27,838 63.02 (公正党) 祖吉菲礼 15,348 12,490 990 78.72 56,121
柔佛：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P140 昔加末 (SEGAMAT) (国阵国大党) 苏巴马廉 15,921 53.61 (行动党) 彭学良 12,930 2,991 847 72.96 40,708
2 P141 士基央 (SEKIJANG) (国阵巫统) 巴哈仑 17,979 67.30 (公正党) 祖基菲沙烈 8,112 9,867 622 76.03 35,138
3 P142 拉美士 (LABIS) (国阵马华) 蔡智勇 13,658 56.82 (行动党) 张颖群 9,564 4,094 816 71.95 33,468
4 P143 巴莪 (PAGOH) (国阵巫统) 慕尤丁 21,028 69.49 (回教党) 莫哈末罗查礼 8,447 12,581 787 75.70 40,042
5 P144 礼让 (LEDANG) (国阵巫统) 哈敏 25,319 56.96 (公正党) 刘德海 17,702 7,617 1,433 75.99 58,501
6 P145 峇吉里 (BAKRI) (行动党) 余德华 21,051 49.02 (国阵马华) 郑贝川 20,329 722 1,561 76.55 56,372
7 P146 麻坡 (MUAR) (国阵巫统) 拉查里 16,986 56.22 (公正党) 娜布汀 12,325 4,661 902 73.81 41,019
8 P147 巴力士隆 (PARIT SULONG) (国阵巫统) 诺莱妮 26,066 65.88 (回教党) 费沙阿里 12,467 13,599 1,033 78.91 50,234
9 P148 亚依淡 (AYER HITAM) (国阵马华) 魏家祥 20,230 73.68 (回教党) 胡申苏嘉 6,321 13,909 907 78.98 34,805
10 P149 四加亭 (SRI GADING) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末阿兹士 19,641 67.39 (公正党) 阿里玛贡 8,767 10,874 738 79.43 36,845
11 P150 峇株巴辖 (BATU PAHAT) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末卜艾 32,461 60.13 (公正党) 莫哈末阿都拉 19,757 12,704 1,768 77.21 70,069
12 P151 新邦令金 (SIMPANG RENGGAM) (国阵民政党) 梁德明 16,450 63.34 (回教党) 阿丹贡邦 8,597 7,853 924 74.58 34,859
13 P152 居鑾 (KLUANG) (国阵马华) 何国忠 27,970 51.76 (行动党) 黄南华 24,189 3,781 1,884 76.60 71,233
14 P153 森波浪 (SEMBRONG) (国阵巫统) 希山慕丁 17,988 71.54 (公正党) 李尚 6,418 11,570 739 75.98 33,181
15 P154 丰盛港 (MERSING) (国阵巫统) 阿都拉迪夫 20,116 73.54 (回教党) 沙哈尔阿都拉 6,380 13,736 857 75.59 36,445
16 P155 东南镇 (TENGGARA) (国阵巫统) 哈丽玛 19,031 75.08 (回教党) 沙烈法敏 4,982 14,049 1,336 78.49 32,297
17 P156 哥打丁宜 (KOTA TINGGI) (国阵巫统) 赛哈密 22,682 83.83 (回教党) 翁嘉化 3,721 18,961 653 79.29 34,190
18 P157 边佳兰 (PENGERANG) (国阵巫统) 阿莎丽娜 不战而胜 33,002
19 P158 地不佬 (TEBRAU) (国阵马华) 邓文村 30,860 63.51 (回教党) 罗斯来尼 16,202 14,658 1,525 77.73 62,505
20 P159 巴西古当 (PASIR GUDANG) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末卡立 35,849 64.44 (公正党) 末尼占莫哈末沙曼 18,568 17,281 1,211 76.71 72,862
21 P160 新山 (JOHOR BAHRU) (国阵巫统) 沙里尔 43,143 69.22 (人民党) 哈山卡林 17,794 25,349 1,391 69.59 89,725
22 P161 埔来 (PULAI) (国阵巫统) 诺加兹兰 38,036 67.08 (回教党) 阿都拉 17,587 20,449 1,079 71.42 79,622
23 P162 振林山 (GELANG PATAH) (国阵马华) 曾亚英 33,630 55.45 (公正党) 查丽哈 24,779 8,851 2,244 77.19 78,676
24 P163 古来 (KULAI) (国阵马华) 黄家定 32,017 59.71 (行动党) 吴柏松 20,273 11,744 1,327 79.69 67,358
25 P164 笨珍 (PONTIAN) (国阵巫统) 阿末玛士兰 23,121 70.48 (公正党) 莫哈末安努亚 8,677 14,444 1,008 75.83 43,264
26 P165 丹绒比艾 (TANJONG PIAI) (国阵马华) 黄日升 23,302 65.92 (行动党) 阿末顿 10,931 12,371 1,117 77.35 45,701
纳闽联邦直辖区：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P166 纳闽 (LABUAN) (国阵巫统) 尤索夫玛哈 10,471 75.32 (独立人士) 刘成吉 2,014 8,457 311 68.08 20,783
沙巴：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P167 古达 (KUDAT) (国阵巫统) 阿都拉欣巴克里 17,634 66.72 (公正党) 耶也奥曼 7,739 9,895 1,058 66.98 39,643
2 P168 马鲁都 (KOTA MARUDU) (国阵团结党) 麦西慕 12,028 54.25 (公正党) 安东尼曼帝奥 7,830 4,198 748 69.51 31,938
3 P169 哥打毛律 (KOTA BELUD) (国阵巫统) 阿都拉曼达兰 17,842 52.93 (公正党) 沙依帝西莫依 14,822 3,020 1,046 78.27 43,071
4 P170 斗亚兰 (TUARAN) (国阵民统) 威弗烈邦布琳 17,645 57.80 (公正党) 安沙里阿都拉 11,023 6,622 979 74.89 40,761
5 P171 昔邦加 (SEPANGGAR) (国阵沙进步党) 依力马贞文 16,884 62.99 (公正党) 莫哈末依巴拉欣 5,423 11,461 790 68.76 39,251
6 P172 亚庇 (KOTA KINABALU) (行动党) 邱庆洲 9,464 33.89 (公正党) 刘静芝 9,358 106 340 64.09 43,714
7 P173 布达丹 (PUTATAN) (国阵民统) 马京马古斯莫吉高 13,737 60.90 (公正党) 少吉那尤索夫 7,292 6,445 608 66.68 34,935
8 P174 兵南邦 (PENAMPANG) (国阵民统) 柏纳东博 13,400 52.80 (公正党) 爱尔文波西 10,337 3,063 540 70.84 35,821
9 P175 吧巴 (PAPAR) (国阵巫统) 罗丝娜拉西 15,352 62.72 (公正党) 瓦合依德利斯 5,778 9,574 651 75.84 32,276
10 P176 金马利 (KIMANIS) (国阵巫统) 阿尼法阿曼 10,242 59.03 (独立人士) 查阿法依斯迈 4,789 5,453 500 78.09 22,239
11 P177 保佛 (BEAUFORT) (国阵巫统) 拉京奥津 14,780 76.47 (公正党) 拉津尤索夫 3,866 10,914 681 72.22 26,788
12 P178 实必丹 (SIPITANG) (国阵巫统) 沙巴威阿末 11,905 65.43 (公正党) 卡林达欣 5,759 6,146 531 75.00 24,145
13 P179 兰瑙 (RANAU) (国阵民统) 系林安古巴 14,074 63.49 (公正党) 佐纳丹耶辛 6,823 7,251 653 72.06 30,810
14 P180 根地咬 (KENINGAU) (国阵团结党) 拜林吉丁岸 14,958 56.84 (公正党) 杰菲里吉丁岸 10,334 4,624 464 73.97 35,578
15 P181 丹南 (TENOM) (国阵巫统) 莱米翁吉 9,535 60.76 (公正党) 安德利斯达利宾 2,652 6,883 523 75.20 20,874
16 P182 冰厢岸 (PENSIANGAN) (国阵人民团结) 佐瑟古律 不战而胜 19,712
17 P183 柏鲁兰 (BELURAN) (国阵巫统) 罗纳建迪 7,090 57.58 (独立人士) 兰沙达欣 2,738 4,352 468 64.00 19,181
18 P184 里巴兰 (LIBARAN) (国阵巫统) 朱斯里阿基罗 13,668 66.93 (公正党) 阿末丹林再尼 6,139 7,529 613 65.33 31,435
19 P185 巴都沙比 (BATU SAPI) (国阵团结党) 蒋国华 9,479 59.32 (独立人士) 钟广维 5,771 3,708 730 63.06 26,004
20 P186 山打根 (SANDAKAN) (国阵自民党) 刘伟强 8,297 41.50 (行动党) 章翠玲 8,121 176 644 61.00 32,847
21 P187 京那巴丹岸 (KINABATANGAN) (国阵巫统) 邦莫达拉丁 8,507 66.50 (公正党) 阿末阿都 2,181 6,326 589 66.00 19,554
22 P188 诗南 (SILAM) (国阵巫统) 沙礼卡比 18,111 66.05 (公正党) 哈斯布拉奥亨 8,319 9,792 989 63.37 43,488
23 P189 仙本那 (SEMPORNA) (国阵巫统) 沙菲益阿达 19,419 87.44 (公正党) 阿基斯阿都哈密 1,957 17,462 832 63.07 35,216
24 P190 斗湖 (TAWAU) (国阵沙进步党) 蔡顺梅 13,943 51.58 (行动党) 陈泓縑 9,076 4,867 735 63.52 42,560
25 P191 加拉巴干 (KALABAKAN) (国阵巫统) 阿都嘉夫 不战而胜 36,018
砂拉越：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P192 玛士加汀 (MAS GADING) (国阵民进党) 迪奇拉菲 8,551 57.89 (国民党) 巴岛鲁必士 4,250 4,301 188 67.37 21,968
2 P193 山都望 (SANTUBONG) (国阵土保党) 旺朱乃迪 15,800 79.39 (公正党) 拉末艾迪尔 3,855 11,945 248 64.73 30,836
3 P194 柏特拉再也 (PETRA JAYA) (国阵土保党) 法迪拉 19,515 78.39 (公正党) 莫哈末佐希 5,118 14,397 263 61.74 40,533
4 P195 古晋 (BANDAR KUCHING) (行动党) 张健仁 22,901 63.45 (国阵人联党) 沉耀荣 12,949 9,952 242 68.13 53,216
5 P196 实旦宾 (STAMPIN) (国阵人联党) 杨昆贤 21,966 50.51 (行动党) 温利山 18,896 3,070 428 65.31 67,257
6 P197 哥打三马拉汉 (KOTA SAMARAHAN) (国阵土保党) 苏莱曼泰益 15,559 72.61 (公正党) 胡先阿波 4,148 11,411 823 75.14 28,517
7 P198 曼旺 (MAMBONG) (国阵土保党) 詹姆士达弗 14,182 63.94 (公正党) 玛仁邦约 7,525 6,657 473 61.71 36,147
8 P199 西连 (SERIAN) (国阵人联党) 里察烈 15,793 85.41 (国民党) 柏拉勇阿纳查央 2,366 13,427 332 66.36 27,901
9 P200 峇丹砂隆 (BATANG SADONG) (国阵土保党) 南茜苏克利 8,183 73.65 (公正党) 毕依琳 2,758 5,425 170 66.21 16,794
10 P201 峇丹鲁巴 (BATANG LUPAR) (国阵土保党) 罗哈妮 11,015 76.59 (回教党) 阿邦依迪 2,923 8,092 193 64.21 22,417
11 P202 斯里阿曼 (SRI AMAN) (国阵砂人民党) 玛瑟古札 9,700 63.16 (独立人士) 古波阿纳鲁西 5,448 4,252 211 59.70 25,724
12 P203 鲁勃安都 (LUBOK ANTU) (国阵砂人民党) 威廉雅劳 6,769 56.28 (独立人士) 尼克拉斯巴威尔 5,159 1,610 99 69.97 17,190
13 P204 木中 (BETONG) (国阵土保党) 道格拉斯 13,708 85.93 (国民党) 史登里朱戈 1,999 11,709 246 72.22 22,088
14 P205 砂拉卓 (SARATOK) (国阵民进党) 惹拉因末萨 12,470 75.80 (公正党) 莫哈末耶也 3,764 8,706 218 68.66 23,982
15 P206 丹绒玛尼斯 (TANJONGＭANIS) (国阵土保党) 诺拉阿都拉曼 不战而胜 17,052
16 P207 伊干 (IGAN) (国阵土保党) 瓦合杜拉 不战而胜 15,735
17 P208 泗里街 (SARIKEI) (国阵人联党) 陈冠勋 10,588 47.98 (行动党) 黄华西 10,537 51 176 69.68 31,675
18 P209 如楼 (JULAU) (国阵砂人民党) 佐瑟沙朗 10,351 77.83 (公正党) 安布鲁斯拉邦 2,767 7,584 182 65.50 20,306
19 P210 加拿逸 (KANOWIT) (国阵砂人民党) 艾伦达干 不战而胜 17,613
20 P211 南兰 (LANANG) (国阵人联党) 张泰卿 19,476 56.71 (行动党) 黄培根 14,612 4,864 253 69.54 49,530
21 P212 诗巫 (SIBU) (国阵人联党) 刘会洲 19,138 52.61 (行动党) 黄和联 15,903 3,235 526 67.77 53,679
22 P213 沐胶 (MUKAH) (国阵土保党) 廖迈克 10,090 70.05 (独立人士) 海宾玛拉威因 3,792 6,298 521 63.17 22,851
23 P214 实兰沟 (SELANGAU) (国阵砂人民党) 佐瑟恩都鲁 不战而胜 20,057
24 P215 加帛 (KAPIT) (国阵土保党) 阿歷山大南达林奇 不战而胜 22,723
25 P216 乌鲁拉让 (HULU RAJANG) (国阵砂人民党) 比利阿必佐 6,590 59.08 (独立人士) 乔治拉贡 4,426 2,164 139 63.09 17,696
26 P217 民都鲁 (BINTULU) (国阵民进党) 张庆信 23,628 72.53 (行动党) 林素均 8,663 14,965 288 64.98 50,404
27 P218 实务地 (SIBUTI) (国阵土保党) 阿末莱 8,238 63.27 (公正党) 张有庆 4,590 3,648 192 58.84 22,143
28 P219 美里 (MIRI) (国阵人联党) 陈华贵 19,354 57.32 (行动党) 房保德 14,138 5,216 273 60.70 55,963
29 P220 峇南 (BARAM) (国阵民进党) 耶谷沙岸 7,996 66.00 (独立人士) 哥宾旺 3,952 4,044 167 49.65 24,425
30 P221 林梦 (LIMBANG) (国阵土保党) 哈斯比哈比波拉 6,427 52.29 (公正党) 刘烈贵 5,751 676 113 60.94 20,315
31 P222 老越 (LAWAS) (国阵土保党) 亨利宋艾贡 8,526 91.27 (公正党) 查巴苏友 734 7,792 82 59.44 15,717
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2008年马来西亚第12届全国大选最新成绩(国席)
玻璃市：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P1 巴东勿剎 (PADANG BESAR) (国阵巫统) 阿兹米卡立 16,991 57.97 (回教党) 朱卡南 11,643 5,348 674 80.05 36,613
2 P2 加央 (KANGAR) (国阵巫统) 拉西 23,821 68.49 (公正党) 东姑阿都拉曼 10,150 13,671 808 80.17 43,591
3 P3 亚娄 (ARAU) (国阵巫统) 依斯迈拿卡欣 16,451 49.57 (回教党) 哈仑汀 16,151 300 586 83.23 39,877
吉打：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P4 浮罗交怡 (LANGKAWI) (国阵巫统) 阿布峇卡 13,762 59.26 (公正党) 旺沙列 8,792 4,970 670 78.55 29,567
2 P5 尤崙 (JERLUN) (国阵巫统) 慕克力马哈迪 19,424 52.16 (回教党) 依德利斯阿末 17,219 2,205 599 81.83 45,513
3 P6 古邦巴素 (KUBANG PASU) (国阵巫统) 佐哈里 24,179 57.26 (回教党) 依沙依斯迈 17,119 7,060 928 79.19 53,323
4 P7 巴东得腊 (PADANG TERAP) (回教党) 莫哈末纳希 15,003 49.34 (国阵巫统) 卡查里 14,634 369 770 86.00 35,403
5 P8 波各先那 (POKOK SENA) (回教党) 马夫兹 29,687 54.29 (国阵巫统) 阿都拉曼依布拉欣 23,956 5,731 1,039 79.44 69,631
6 P9 亚罗士打 (ALOR SETAR) (国阵马华) 曹智雄 20,741 48.17 (公正党) 魏晓隆 20,557 184 1,757 73.28 58,957
7 P10 吉打港口 (KUALA KEDAH) (公正党) 阿末卡欣 35,689 54.28 (国阵巫统) 哈欣耶也 28,671 7,018 1,385 79.08 83,132
8 P11 本同 (PENDANG) (回教党) 莫哈末哈耶迪 27,311 52.99 (国阵巫统) 罗再沙菲岸 23,238 4,073 991 84.19 61,346
9 P12 日莱 (JERAI) (回教党) 莫哈末费道斯 26,510 51.19 (国阵巫统) 峇达鲁丁 24,211 2,299 1,070 78.78 65,739
10 P13 锡 (SIK) (回教党) 仄乌达仄聂 16,864 49.96 (国阵巫统) 奥士曼帝沙 16,383 481 505 86.15 40,339
11 P14 傌莫 (MERBOK) (公正党) 拉昔丁 25,541 51.78 (国阵巫统) 达祖乌鲁斯 22,443 3,098 1,338 77.15 64,443
12 P15 双溪大年 (SUNGAI PETANI) (公正党) 佐哈里阿都 33,822 57.08 (国阵巫统) 再努丁麦丁 24,441 9,381 986 77.84 76,284
13 P16 华玲 (BALING) (回教党) 泰益阿占慕丁 36,074 54.92 (国阵巫统) 阿都阿兹拉欣 28,461 7,613 1,154 83.74 78,784
14 P17 巴东色海 (PADANG SERAI) (公正党) 哥巴拉克里斯南 28,774 61.13 (国阵马华) 梅振仁 17,036 11,738 1,259 79.58 59,218
15 P18 居林万拉峇鲁 (KULIM-BANDAR BAHARU) (公正党) 朱基菲里诺丁 22,255 55.71 (国阵巫统) 阿都阿兹 16,672 5,583 1,022 77.28 51,995
吉兰丹：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P19 道北 (TUMPAT) (回教党) 卡玛鲁丁查化 36,714 56.41 (国阵巫统) 阿斯拉夫华迪 27,337 9,377 1,032 81.49 80,072
2 P20 彭加兰吉巴 (PENGKALAN CHEPA) (回教党) 阿都哈林 26,763 62.56 (国阵巫统) 拉欣奥斯曼 15,452 11,311 564 82.23 52,350
3 P21 哥打峇鲁 (KOTA BHARU) (回教党) 旺阿都拉欣 32,129 59.97 (国阵巫统) 法米仄沙列 20,841 11,288 609 78.68 68,261
4 P22 巴西马 (PASIR MAS) (回教党) 依布拉欣阿里 28,673 58.26 (国阵巫统) 罗斯迪玛哈末 19,682 8,991 864 82.74 59,640
5 P23 兰斗班让 (RANTAU PANJANG) (回教党) 茜蒂再拉 19,344 54.69 (国阵巫统) 莫哈末阿芬迪 14,858 4,486 837 78.11 45,384
6 P24 古邦阁亮 (KUBANG KERIAN) (回教党) 沙拉胡丁阿约 27,179 61.28 (国阵巫统) 阿都甘尼玛末 16,537 10,642 638 83.14 53,496
7 P25 万捷 (BACHOK) (回教党) 纳沙鲁丁 28,835 51.88 (国阵巫统) 阿旺阿迪 25,934 2,901 811 85.98 64,808
8 P26 格底里 (KETEREH) (公正党) 阿都阿兹 21,738 49.33 (国阵巫统) 安努亚慕沙 21,338 400 993 84.95 52,240
9 P27 丹那美拉 (TANAH MERAH) (公正党) 安南甘尼 17,554 48.72 (国阵巫统) 沙哈里哈山 15,970 1,584 1,064 81.46 44,347
10 P28 巴西富地 (PASIR PUTEH) (回教党) 莫哈末胡欣 28,365 52.87 (国阵巫统) 安兰末诺 24,397 3,968 886 83.52 64,393
11 P29 马樟 (MACHANG) (公正党) 赛夫丁 21,041 50.86 (国阵巫统) 沙兹米 19,581 1,460 748 84.41 49,157
12 P30 日里 (JELI) (国阵巫统) 慕斯达法 17,168 56.52 (回教党) 莫哈末阿邦迪 12,732 4,436 474 84.18 36,298
13 P31 瓜拉吉赖 (KUALA KRAI) (回教党) 莫哈末哈达南利 23,562 54.93 (国阵巫统) 仄慕沙 18,578 4,984 756 82.32 52,250
14 P32 话望生 (GUA MUSANG) (国阵巫统) 东姑拉沙里 14,063 58.06 (回教党) 祖基菲莫哈末 9,669 4,394 489 83.77 28,986
登嘉楼：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P33 勿述 (BESUT) (国阵巫统) 阿都拉辛 29,376 60.16 (回教党) 胡辛阿旺 18,786 10,590 668 84.49 58,353
2 P34 士兆 (SETIU) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末基汀 26,610 56.83 (回教党) 莫哈末宝兹慕达 19,378 7,232 833 85.88 54,520
3 P35 瓜拉尼鲁斯 (KUALA NERUS) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末纳西依布拉欣 26,439 50.60 (回教党) 慕哈曼苏克里姆 25,098 1,341 713 85.83 61,214
4 P36 瓜拉登嘉楼 (KUALA TERENGGANU) (国阵巫统) 拉查理依斯迈 32,562 49.25 (回教党) 莫哈末沙布 31,934 628 931 82.45 80,325
5 P37 马江 (MARANG) (回教党) 哈迪阿旺 33,435 51.49 (国阵巫统) 阿末兰兹 30,688 2,747 806 86.89 74,813
6 P38 乌鲁登嘉楼 (HULU TERENGGANU) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末诺奥斯曼 27,784 60.64 (回教党) 卡玛鲁查曼阿都拉 17,324 10,460 709 87.54 52,515
7 P39 龙运 (DUNGUN) (国阵巫统) 马督里迪祖索 29,264 53.73 (公正党) 三苏依斯干达尤斯里 24,270 4,994 930 83.98 64,851
8 P40 甘马挽 (KEMAMAN) (国阵巫统) 阿末沙比里 37,199 59.24 (公正党) 法里兹慕沙 24,516 12,683 1,077 83.82 75,006
檳城：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P41 甲拋峇底 (KEPALA BATAS) (国阵巫统) 阿都拉 23,445 64.63 (回教党) 索比利莫哈末亚尔沙 12,199 11,246 634 84.45 43,018
2 P42 打西汝莪 (TASEK GELUGOR) (国阵巫统) 诺莫哈末 20,448 55.34 (回教党) 依斯迈沙烈 15,901 4,547 600 87.98 44,466
3 P43 峇眼 (BAGAN) (行动党) 林冠英 33,748 73.06 (国阵马华) 宋彩苓 11,678 22,070 766 77.84 59,385
4 P44 峇东埔 (PERMATANG PAUH) (公正党) 旺阿兹莎 30,338 64.01 (国阵巫统) 菲道斯 16,950 13,388 110 81.10 58,449
5 P45 大山脚 (BUKIT MERTAJAM) (行动党) 章瑛 37,882 72.51 (国阵马华) 王嵣荃 13,431 24,451 931 79.31 64,080
6 P46 峇都交湾 (BATU KAWAN) (行动党) 拉玛沙米 23,067 61.86 (国阵民政党) 许子根 13,582 9,485 640 78.70 47,378
7 P47 高渊 (NIBONG TEBAL) (公正党) 陈智铭 20,210 53.02 (国阵巫统) 再纳阿比丁 17,123 3,087 784 80.20 47,540
8 P48 升旗山 (BUKIT BENDERA) (行动党) 刘镇东 31,243 66.45 (国阵民政党) 谢宽泰 15,131 16,112 642 72.98 64,545
9 P49 丹绒 (TANJONG) (行动党) 曹观友 28,248 73.11 (国阵民政党) 许文思 9,759 18,489 631 72.80 53,188
10 P50 日落洞 (JELUTONG) (行动党) 黄泉安 30,493 65.77 (国阵民政党) 涂仲仪 14,247 16,246 743 74.56 61,181
11 P51 武吉牛汝莪 (BUKIT GELUGOR) (行动党) 卡巴星 35,140 70.32 (国阵马华) 郭家驊 14,125 21,015 707 76.16 65,614
12 P52 峇央峇鲁 (BAYAN BARU) (公正党) 再林 27,618 61.56 (国阵马华) 黄秀金 16,589 11,029 655 73.90 60,713
13 P53 浮罗山背 (BALIK PULAU) (公正党) 尤斯马尼 15,749 50.17 (国阵巫统) 诺莱莎 15,041 708 601 77.40 39,765
霹靂：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P54 宜力 (GERIK) (国阵民政党) 陈莲花 12,526 62.23 (回教党) 莫哈末诺 6,953 5,573 649 78.13 26,229
2 P55 玲瓏 (LENGGONG) (国阵巫统) 三苏安华 10,992 63.26 (回教党) 莫哈末祖基菲 6,073 4,919 311 75.08 23,223
3 P56 拉律 (LARUT) (国阵巫统) 韩沙查鲁汀 15,878 52.00 (回教党) 莫哈末达里 13,967 1,911 687 77.06 39,697
4 P57 巴里文打 (PARIT BUNTAR) (回教党) 慕加希 21,221 59.76 (国阵巫统) 阿都拉曼苏丽曼 13,670 7,551 618 78.71 45,219
5 P58 峇眼色海 (BAGAN SERAI) (公正党) 慕辛法兹利 18,943 53.12 (国阵巫统) 再纳阿比丁辛 15,530 3,413 1,186 76.92 47,111
6 P59 武吉干当 (BUKIT GANTANG) (回教党) 罗斯兰 20,015 49.80 (国阵巫统) 阿欣查比迪 18,449 1,566 851 72.65 55,471
7 P60 太平 (TAIPING) (行动党) 倪可敏 28,098 60.41 (国阵进步党) 卡维斯 16,800 11,298 1,612 71.52 65,889
8 P61 硝山 (PADANG RENGAS) (国阵巫统) 纳兹里 9,830 53.80 (公正党) 阿里亚斯再润 8,081 1,749 362 75.21 24,397
9 P62 和丰 (SUNGAI SIPUT) (公正党) 再也古玛 16,458 49.93 (国阵国大党) 三美威鲁 14,637 1,821 1,001 69.91 47,424
10 P63 打捫 (TAMBUN) (国阵巫统) 阿末胡斯尼 27,942 54.34 (公正党) 莫哈末阿斯里 22,556 5,386 927 75.17 68,966
11 P64 怡保东区 (IPOH TIMOR) (行动党) 林吉祥 37,364 69.85 (国阵马华) 刘文汉 15,422 21,942 707 70.45 76,647
12 P65 怡保西区 (IPOH BARAT) (行动党) 古拉 32,576 64.57 (国阵马华) 易沛鸿 17,042 15,534 829 72.58 69,773
13 P66 华都牙也 (BATU GAJAH) (行动党) 冯宝君 39,922 71.13 (国阵马华) 谢玉权 15,295 24,627 911 72.78 77,313
14 P67 江沙 (KUALA KANGSAR) (国阵巫统) 拉菲达 10,735 52.66 (回教党) 凯鲁丁 9,277 1,458 373 73.34 28,325
15 P68 木威 (BERUAS) (行动党) 倪可汉 15,831 51.53 (国阵民政党) 郑可扬 14,003 1,828 889 71.22 43,273
16 P69 巴力 (PARIT) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末尼沙 12,399 54.98 (回教党) 娜芝哈 9,526 2,873 628 78.30 28,859
17 P70 金宝 (KAMPAR) (国阵马华) 李志亮 20,126 52.14 (行动党) 龚明勋 17,429 2,697 1,048 65.16 59,784
18 P71 务边 (GOPENG) (公正党) 李文材 29,696 55.71 (国阵马华) 林熙隆 22,328 7,368 1,279 71.70 74,344
19 P72 打巴 (TAPAH) (国阵国大党) 沙拉瓦南 14,084 52.53 (公正党) 陈升德 11,064 3,020 1,662 70.12 38,236
20 P73 巴西沙叻 (PASIR SALAK) (国阵巫统) 达祖丁 16,928 52.71 (公正党) 慕斯达化卡米尔 14,240 2,688 950 75.20 42,712
21 P74 红土坎 (LUMUT) (国阵马华) 江作汉 25,698 48.50 (公正党) 苏华迪沙夫万 25,400 298 1,884 72.81 72,766
22 P75 峇眼拿督 (BAGAN DATOK) (国阵巫统) 阿末扎希 13,115 53.86 (公正党) 马兹哈山 10,423 2,692 814 70.42 34,670
23 P76 安顺 (TELUK INTAN) (行动党) 马诺佳能 18,486 50.43 (国阵民政党) 马袖强 17,016 1,470 1,153 70.17 52,354
24 P77 丹绒马林 (TANJONG MALIM) (国阵马华) 黄家泉 21,016 55.37 (公正党) 莫哈末阿兹曼 15,594 5,422 1,344 71.25 53,481
彭亨：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P78 金马崙高原 (CAMERON HIGHLANDS) (国阵国大党) 迪温玛尼 9,164 55.89 (行动党) 亚巴拉三美 6,047 3,117 1,186 70.14 23,461
2 P79 立卑 (LIPIS) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末沙仑 12,611 58.26 (回教党) 莫哈末聂南 8,474 4,137 561 76.55 28,425
3 P80 劳勿 (RAUB) (国阵马华) 黄燕燕 18,078 52.68 (行动党) 阿布巴卡 15,326 2,752 915 74.18 46,454
4 P81 而连突 (JERANTUT) (国阵巫统) 东姑阿兹兰沙 19,543 51.47 (回教党) 韩沙惹化 17,597 1,946 829 78.01 48,812
5 P82 英迪拉马哥打 (INDERA MAHKOTA) (公正党) 阿占依斯迈 19,823 50.43 (国阵巫统) 沙拉蒙阿里 18,796 1,027 688 77.44 51,235
6 P83 关丹 (KUANTAN) (公正党) 傅芝雅 18,398 51.69 (国阵马华) 胡亚桥 16,572 1,826 623 74.92 47,745
7 P84 巴耶勿沙 (PAYA BESAR) (国阵巫统) 拿督阿都马南 19,355 62.75 (公正党) 莫哈末杰菲里 10,852 8,503 637 77.45 39,882
8 P85 北根 (PEKAN) (国阵巫统) 纳吉 36,262 76.63 (公正党) 凯鲁安华 9,798 26,464 1,261 82.23 58,217
9 P86 马兰 (MARAN) (国阵巫统) 依斯迈慕达利 15,868 62.01 (回教党) 纳斯鲁丁 9,227 6,641 495 78.95 32,517
10 P87 瓜拉吉挠 (KUALA KRAU) (国阵巫统) 依斯迈莫哈末赛 16,165 58.69 (回教党) 卡马沙利 10,900 5,265 479 80.83 34,139
11 P88 淡马鲁 (TEMERLOH) (国阵巫统) 赛夫丁 21,381 51.84 (公正党) 阿末尼占 18,940 2,441 924 76.37 54,010
12 P89 文冬 (BENTONG) (国阵马华) 廖中莱 25,134 64.44 (公正党) 波罗沙美 12,585 12,549 1,285 73.01 53,651
13 P90 百乐 (BERA) (国阵巫统) 依斯迈沙比利 18,051 54.59 (回教党) 马兹兰阿利曼 14,230 3,821 783 76.91 42,993
14 P91 云冰 (ROMPIN) (国阵巫统) 贾马鲁丁 21,308 65.04 (回教党) 马兹兰耶欣 10,629 10,679 824 79.04 41,701
雪兰莪：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P92 沙白安南 (SABAK BERNAM) (国阵巫统) 阿都拉曼 12,055 51.33 (公正党) 峇鲁阿敏 10,720 1,335 711 75.00 31,381
2 P93 大港 (SUNGAI BESAR) (国阵巫统) 诺丽雅 16,069 57.83 (回教党) 奥斯曼沙布朗 11,060 5,009 656 81.69 34,073
3 P94 乌鲁雪兰莪 (ULU SELANGOR) (公正党) 再纳阿比丁 23,177 48.67 (国阵国大党) G.巴拉尼威 22,979 198 1,466 74.89 63,593
4 P95 丹绒加弄 (TANJONG KARANG) (国阵巫统) 诺奥玛 16,073 55.42 (回教党) 莫哈末哈尼巴 12,253 3,820 674 79.83 36,391
5 P96 瓜拉雪兰莪 (KUALA SELANGOR) (回教党) 祖基菲里阿末 18,796 49.96 (国阵巫统) 阿兹再也 17,934 862 894 79.81 47,203
6 P97 士拉央 (SELAYANG) (公正党) 梁自坚 30,701 50.60 (国阵马华) 李丽友 27,134 3,567 1,506 76.57 79,557
7 P98 鹅嘜 (GOMBAK) (公正党) 阿兹敏阿里 40,334 54.05 (国阵巫统) 赛安华 33,467 6,867 820 76.26 99,153
8 P99 安邦 (AMPANG) (公正党) 祖莱达 26,995 52.98 (国阵巫统) 阿兹曼 23,319 3,676 636 73.70 69,132
9 P100 班登 (PANDAN) (国阵马华) 翁诗杰 25,236 52.24 (公正党) 赛沙希尔 22,275 2,961 798 74.90 64,497
10 P101 乌鲁冷岳 (HULU LANGAT) (回教党) 茦罗斯利 36,124 50.24 (国阵巫统) 马基曼 34,379 1,745 1,401 80.02 90,319
11 P102 沙登 (SERDANG) (行动党) 张念群 47,444 62.48 (国阵马华) 何啟利 26,419 21,025 2,072 80.35 94,877
12 P103 蒲种 (PUCHONG) (行动党) 哥宾星 35,079 60.77 (国阵民政党) 卢永平 22,486 12,593 158 78.44 75,625
13 P104 格拉那再也 (KELANA JAYA) (公正党) 罗国本 30,298 51.77 (国阵马华) 李华民 25,267 5,031 1,065 73.61 79,649
14 P105 八打灵再也南区 (PJ SELATAN) (公正党) 许来贤 28,598 54.44 (国阵马华) 林祥才 22,892 5,706 1,044 71.91 73,192
15 P106 八打灵再也北区 (PJ UTARA) (行动党) 潘俭伟 37,851 67.28 (国阵马华) 周美芬 17,879 19,972 527 73.47 76,618
16 P107 梳邦 (SUBANG) (公正党) 西华拉沙 35,024 53.54 (国阵国大党) 慕鲁根山 28,315 6,709 2,079 78.02 84,414
17 P108 沙亚南 (SHAH ALAM) (回教党) 卡利阿都沙末 33,356 57.36 (国阵巫统) 阿都阿兹三苏汀 24,042 9,314 749 77.47 75,334
18 P109 加埔 (KAPAR) (公正党) 马尼卡瓦沙甘 48,196 55.30 (国阵国大党) 柯玛拉 35,899 12,297 3,064 78.10 112,224
19 P110 巴生 (KLANG) (行动党) 查尔斯圣地亚哥 37,990 64.05 (国阵马华) 庄祷融 20,289 17,701 1,036 76.23 77,816
20 P111 哥打拉惹 (KOTA RAJA) (回教党) 希蒂玛丽亚 38,630 67.39 (国阵国大党) 威尼斯瓦兰 17,879 20,751 814 79.74 71,887
21 P112 瓜拉冷岳 (KUALA LANGAT) (公正党) 阿都拉沙尼 26,687 50.55 (国阵巫统) 哈芝苏莱曼 25,698 989 407 79.37 66,515
22 P113 雪邦 (SEPANG) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末欣 26,381 53.83 (回教党) 莫哈末玛奇 21,532 4,849 1,099 79.20 62,044
吉隆坡联邦直辖区：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P114 甲洞 (KEPONG) (行动党) 陈胜尧 35,552 74.90 (国阵民政党) 刘开强 11,704 23,848 212 78.10 60,775
2 P115 峇都 (BATU) (公正党) 蔡添强 29,785 58.71 (国阵民政党) 林时彬 20,330 9,455 614 72.72 70,544
3 P116 旺沙马朱 (WANGSA MAJU) (公正党) 黄朱强 19,637 49.74 (国阵马华) 姚长禄 19,487 150 357 73.01 54,509
4 P117 泗岩沫 (SEGAMBUT) (行动党) 林立迎 25,046 58.38 (国阵民政党) 马伟祺 17,314 7,732 541 72.93 59,690
5 P118 斯迪亚旺沙 (SETIAWANGSA) (国阵巫统) 朱哈斯南 25,489 58.24 (公正党) 依布拉欣 17,355 8,134 918 76.56 57,161
6 P119 帝帝皇沙 (TITIWANGSA) (回教党) 洛洛莫哈末卡扎里 17,857 52.62 (国阵巫统) 阿兹加马鲁丁 15,885 1,972 191 68.01 49,892
7 P120 武吉免登 (BUKIT BINTANG) (行动党) 方贵伦 26,811 67.35 (国阵马华) 李崇孟 12,534 14,277 466 66.37 59,986
8 P121 班底谷 (LEMBAH PANTAI) (公正党) 努鲁依莎 21,728 52.62 (国阵巫统) 莎丽扎 18,833 2,895 239 72.88 56,650
9 P122 士布爹 (SEPUTEH) (行动党) 郭素沁 47,230 81.23 (国阵马华) 周紫琳 10,738 36,492 174 75.70 76,891
10 P123 蕉赖 (CHERAS) (行动党) 陈国伟 39,253 77.81 (国阵马华) 吴心一 10,953 28,300 244 73.58 68,725
11 P124 敦拉萨镇 (BANDAR TUN RAZAK) (公正党) 卡立依布拉欣 28,123 51.66 (国阵马华) 陈财和 25,608 2,515 707 75.72 72,628
布城联邦直辖区：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P125 布城 (PUTRAJAYA) (国阵巫统) 东姑安南 4,038 75.06 (回教党) 莫哈末诺 1,304 2,734 38 81.96 6,608
森美兰：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P126 日叻务 (JELEBU) (国阵巫统) 莱士雅丁 19,737 68.93 (回教党) 诺曼依彬 8,127 11,610 769 75.05 38,682
2 P127 仁保 (JEMPOL) (国阵巫统) 利拉耶辛 25,294 64.33 (回教党) 茜蒂玛丽亚 12,974 12,320 1,054 73.53 53,478
3 P128 芙蓉 (SEREMBAN) (行动党) 约翰费南迪 32,970 51.32 (国阵马华) 尤绰韜 29,022 3,948 2,248 76.10 84,675
4 P129 瓜拉庇劳 (KUALA PILAH) (国阵巫统) 哈山马力 20,417 64.34 (公正党) 安华莫哈末沙烈 10,409 10,008 908 74.79 42,328
5 P130 亚沙 (RASAH) (行动党) 陆兆福 34,271 60.49 (国阵马华) 姚再添 21,120 13,151 1,261 78.56 72,115
6 P131 林茂 (REMBAU) (国阵巫统) 凯里 26,525 54.82 (公正党) 巴都鲁希山 20,779 5,746 1,086 77.75 62,896
7 P132 直落甘望 (TELOK KEMANG) (公正党) 卡玛鲁巴哈林 23,348 50.99 (国阵国大党) 索迪纳登 20,544 2,804 1,299 77.45 60,186
8 P133 淡边 (TAMPIN) (国阵巫统) 沙兹曼 24,022 66.58 (回教党) 拉查吉 10,943 13,079 1,115 76.24 47,655
马六甲：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P134 马日丹那 (MASJID TANAH) (国阵巫统) 阿布瑟曼尤索夫 21,582 68.31 (回教党) 阿都甘尼 9,297 12,285 717 78.10 40,606
2 P135 亚罗牙也 (ALOR GAJAH) (国阵马华) 冯镇安 26,354 63.08 (行动党) 陈丽香 13,470 12,884 1,953 77.37 54,097
3 P136 冬牙峇株 (TANGGA BATU) (国阵巫统) 伊德利斯哈仑 30,460 61.32 (公正党) 再农嘉化 15,960 14,500 3,255 82.53 60,188
4 P137 武吉卡迪 (BUKIT KATIL) (国阵巫统) 末西蜡阿布 30,975 50.48 (公正党) 卡立耶化 29,217 1,758 1,173 81.92 75,777
5 P138 马六甲市区 (KOTA MELAKA) (行动党) 沉同钦 38,640 57.38 (国阵马华) 王乃志 27,250 11,390 1,448 79.57 84,805
6 P139 野新 (JASIN) (国阵巫统) 阿末韩查 27,838 63.02 (公正党) 祖吉菲礼 15,348 12,490 990 78.72 56,121
柔佛：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P140 昔加末 (SEGAMAT) (国阵国大党) 苏巴马廉 15,921 53.61 (行动党) 彭学良 12,930 2,991 847 72.96 40,708
2 P141 士基央 (SEKIJANG) (国阵巫统) 巴哈仑 17,979 67.30 (公正党) 祖基菲沙烈 8,112 9,867 622 76.03 35,138
3 P142 拉美士 (LABIS) (国阵马华) 蔡智勇 13,658 56.82 (行动党) 张颖群 9,564 4,094 816 71.95 33,468
4 P143 巴莪 (PAGOH) (国阵巫统) 慕尤丁 21,028 69.49 (回教党) 莫哈末罗查礼 8,447 12,581 787 75.70 40,042
5 P144 礼让 (LEDANG) (国阵巫统) 哈敏 25,319 56.96 (公正党) 刘德海 17,702 7,617 1,433 75.99 58,501
6 P145 峇吉里 (BAKRI) (行动党) 余德华 21,051 49.02 (国阵马华) 郑贝川 20,329 722 1,561 76.55 56,372
7 P146 麻坡 (MUAR) (国阵巫统) 拉查里 16,986 56.22 (公正党) 娜布汀 12,325 4,661 902 73.81 41,019
8 P147 巴力士隆 (PARIT SULONG) (国阵巫统) 诺莱妮 26,066 65.88 (回教党) 费沙阿里 12,467 13,599 1,033 78.91 50,234
9 P148 亚依淡 (AYER HITAM) (国阵马华) 魏家祥 20,230 73.68 (回教党) 胡申苏嘉 6,321 13,909 907 78.98 34,805
10 P149 四加亭 (SRI GADING) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末阿兹士 19,641 67.39 (公正党) 阿里玛贡 8,767 10,874 738 79.43 36,845
11 P150 峇株巴辖 (BATU PAHAT) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末卜艾 32,461 60.13 (公正党) 莫哈末阿都拉 19,757 12,704 1,768 77.21 70,069
12 P151 新邦令金 (SIMPANG RENGGAM) (国阵民政党) 梁德明 16,450 63.34 (回教党) 阿丹贡邦 8,597 7,853 924 74.58 34,859
13 P152 居鑾 (KLUANG) (国阵马华) 何国忠 27,970 51.76 (行动党) 黄南华 24,189 3,781 1,884 76.60 71,233
14 P153 森波浪 (SEMBRONG) (国阵巫统) 希山慕丁 17,988 71.54 (公正党) 李尚 6,418 11,570 739 75.98 33,181
15 P154 丰盛港 (MERSING) (国阵巫统) 阿都拉迪夫 20,116 73.54 (回教党) 沙哈尔阿都拉 6,380 13,736 857 75.59 36,445
16 P155 东南镇 (TENGGARA) (国阵巫统) 哈丽玛 19,031 75.08 (回教党) 沙烈法敏 4,982 14,049 1,336 78.49 32,297
17 P156 哥打丁宜 (KOTA TINGGI) (国阵巫统) 赛哈密 22,682 83.83 (回教党) 翁嘉化 3,721 18,961 653 79.29 34,190
18 P157 边佳兰 (PENGERANG) (国阵巫统) 阿莎丽娜 不战而胜 33,002
19 P158 地不佬 (TEBRAU) (国阵马华) 邓文村 30,860 63.51 (回教党) 罗斯来尼 16,202 14,658 1,525 77.73 62,505
20 P159 巴西古当 (PASIR GUDANG) (国阵巫统) 莫哈末卡立 35,849 64.44 (公正党) 末尼占莫哈末沙曼 18,568 17,281 1,211 76.71 72,862
21 P160 新山 (JOHOR BAHRU) (国阵巫统) 沙里尔 43,143 69.22 (人民党) 哈山卡林 17,794 25,349 1,391 69.59 89,725
22 P161 埔来 (PULAI) (国阵巫统) 诺加兹兰 38,036 67.08 (回教党) 阿都拉 17,587 20,449 1,079 71.42 79,622
23 P162 振林山 (GELANG PATAH) (国阵马华) 曾亚英 33,630 55.45 (公正党) 查丽哈 24,779 8,851 2,244 77.19 78,676
24 P163 古来 (KULAI) (国阵马华) 黄家定 32,017 59.71 (行动党) 吴柏松 20,273 11,744 1,327 79.69 67,358
25 P164 笨珍 (PONTIAN) (国阵巫统) 阿末玛士兰 23,121 70.48 (公正党) 莫哈末安努亚 8,677 14,444 1,008 75.83 43,264
26 P165 丹绒比艾 (TANJONG PIAI) (国阵马华) 黄日升 23,302 65.92 (行动党) 阿末顿 10,931 12,371 1,117 77.35 45,701
纳闽联邦直辖区：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P166 纳闽 (LABUAN) (国阵巫统) 尤索夫玛哈 10,471 75.32 (独立人士) 刘成吉 2,014 8,457 311 68.08 20,783
沙巴：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P167 古达 (KUDAT) (国阵巫统) 阿都拉欣巴克里 17,634 66.72 (公正党) 耶也奥曼 7,739 9,895 1,058 66.98 39,643
2 P168 马鲁都 (KOTA MARUDU) (国阵团结党) 麦西慕 12,028 54.25 (公正党) 安东尼曼帝奥 7,830 4,198 748 69.51 31,938
3 P169 哥打毛律 (KOTA BELUD) (国阵巫统) 阿都拉曼达兰 17,842 52.93 (公正党) 沙依帝西莫依 14,822 3,020 1,046 78.27 43,071
4 P170 斗亚兰 (TUARAN) (国阵民统) 威弗烈邦布琳 17,645 57.80 (公正党) 安沙里阿都拉 11,023 6,622 979 74.89 40,761
5 P171 昔邦加 (SEPANGGAR) (国阵沙进步党) 依力马贞文 16,884 62.99 (公正党) 莫哈末依巴拉欣 5,423 11,461 790 68.76 39,251
6 P172 亚庇 (KOTA KINABALU) (行动党) 邱庆洲 9,464 33.89 (公正党) 刘静芝 9,358 106 340 64.09 43,714
7 P173 布达丹 (PUTATAN) (国阵民统) 马京马古斯莫吉高 13,737 60.90 (公正党) 少吉那尤索夫 7,292 6,445 608 66.68 34,935
8 P174 兵南邦 (PENAMPANG) (国阵民统) 柏纳东博 13,400 52.80 (公正党) 爱尔文波西 10,337 3,063 540 70.84 35,821
9 P175 吧巴 (PAPAR) (国阵巫统) 罗丝娜拉西 15,352 62.72 (公正党) 瓦合依德利斯 5,778 9,574 651 75.84 32,276
10 P176 金马利 (KIMANIS) (国阵巫统) 阿尼法阿曼 10,242 59.03 (独立人士) 查阿法依斯迈 4,789 5,453 500 78.09 22,239
11 P177 保佛 (BEAUFORT) (国阵巫统) 拉京奥津 14,780 76.47 (公正党) 拉津尤索夫 3,866 10,914 681 72.22 26,788
12 P178 实必丹 (SIPITANG) (国阵巫统) 沙巴威阿末 11,905 65.43 (公正党) 卡林达欣 5,759 6,146 531 75.00 24,145
13 P179 兰瑙 (RANAU) (国阵民统) 系林安古巴 14,074 63.49 (公正党) 佐纳丹耶辛 6,823 7,251 653 72.06 30,810
14 P180 根地咬 (KENINGAU) (国阵团结党) 拜林吉丁岸 14,958 56.84 (公正党) 杰菲里吉丁岸 10,334 4,624 464 73.97 35,578
15 P181 丹南 (TENOM) (国阵巫统) 莱米翁吉 9,535 60.76 (公正党) 安德利斯达利宾 2,652 6,883 523 75.20 20,874
16 P182 冰厢岸 (PENSIANGAN) (国阵人民团结) 佐瑟古律 不战而胜 19,712
17 P183 柏鲁兰 (BELURAN) (国阵巫统) 罗纳建迪 7,090 57.58 (独立人士) 兰沙达欣 2,738 4,352 468 64.00 19,181
18 P184 里巴兰 (LIBARAN) (国阵巫统) 朱斯里阿基罗 13,668 66.93 (公正党) 阿末丹林再尼 6,139 7,529 613 65.33 31,435
19 P185 巴都沙比 (BATU SAPI) (国阵团结党) 蒋国华 9,479 59.32 (独立人士) 钟广维 5,771 3,708 730 63.06 26,004
20 P186 山打根 (SANDAKAN) (国阵自民党) 刘伟强 8,297 41.50 (行动党) 章翠玲 8,121 176 644 61.00 32,847
21 P187 京那巴丹岸 (KINABATANGAN) (国阵巫统) 邦莫达拉丁 8,507 66.50 (公正党) 阿末阿都 2,181 6,326 589 66.00 19,554
22 P188 诗南 (SILAM) (国阵巫统) 沙礼卡比 18,111 66.05 (公正党) 哈斯布拉奥亨 8,319 9,792 989 63.37 43,488
23 P189 仙本那 (SEMPORNA) (国阵巫统) 沙菲益阿达 19,419 87.44 (公正党) 阿基斯阿都哈密 1,957 17,462 832 63.07 35,216
24 P190 斗湖 (TAWAU) (国阵沙进步党) 蔡顺梅 13,943 51.58 (行动党) 陈泓縑 9,076 4,867 735 63.52 42,560
25 P191 加拉巴干 (KALABAKAN) (国阵巫统) 阿都嘉夫 不战而胜 36,018
砂拉越：
No 选区 中选者 得票 得票率(%) 对手 对手得票 多数票 废票 投票率(%) 选民人数
1 P192 玛士加汀 (MAS GADING) (国阵民进党) 迪奇拉菲 8,551 57.89 (国民党) 巴岛鲁必士 4,250 4,301 188 67.37 21,968
2 P193 山都望 (SANTUBONG) (国阵土保党) 旺朱乃迪 15,800 79.39 (公正党) 拉末艾迪尔 3,855 11,945 248 64.73 30,836
3 P194 柏特拉再也 (PETRA JAYA) (国阵土保党) 法迪拉 19,515 78.39 (公正党) 莫哈末佐希 5,118 14,397 263 61.74 40,533
4 P195 古晋 (BANDAR KUCHING) (行动党) 张健仁 22,901 63.45 (国阵人联党) 沉耀荣 12,949 9,952 242 68.13 53,216
5 P196 实旦宾 (STAMPIN) (国阵人联党) 杨昆贤 21,966 50.51 (行动党) 温利山 18,896 3,070 428 65.31 67,257
6 P197 哥打三马拉汉 (KOTA SAMARAHAN) (国阵土保党) 苏莱曼泰益 15,559 72.61 (公正党) 胡先阿波 4,148 11,411 823 75.14 28,517
7 P198 曼旺 (MAMBONG) (国阵土保党) 詹姆士达弗 14,182 63.94 (公正党) 玛仁邦约 7,525 6,657 473 61.71 36,147
8 P199 西连 (SERIAN) (国阵人联党) 里察烈 15,793 85.41 (国民党) 柏拉勇阿纳查央 2,366 13,427 332 66.36 27,901
9 P200 峇丹砂隆 (BATANG SADONG) (国阵土保党) 南茜苏克利 8,183 73.65 (公正党) 毕依琳 2,758 5,425 170 66.21 16,794
10 P201 峇丹鲁巴 (BATANG LUPAR) (国阵土保党) 罗哈妮 11,015 76.59 (回教党) 阿邦依迪 2,923 8,092 193 64.21 22,417
11 P202 斯里阿曼 (SRI AMAN) (国阵砂人民党) 玛瑟古札 9,700 63.16 (独立人士) 古波阿纳鲁西 5,448 4,252 211 59.70 25,724
12 P203 鲁勃安都 (LUBOK ANTU) (国阵砂人民党) 威廉雅劳 6,769 56.28 (独立人士) 尼克拉斯巴威尔 5,159 1,610 99 69.97 17,190
13 P204 木中 (BETONG) (国阵土保党) 道格拉斯 13,708 85.93 (国民党) 史登里朱戈 1,999 11,709 246 72.22 22,088
14 P205 砂拉卓 (SARATOK) (国阵民进党) 惹拉因末萨 12,470 75.80 (公正党) 莫哈末耶也 3,764 8,706 218 68.66 23,982
15 P206 丹绒玛尼斯 (TANJONGＭANIS) (国阵土保党) 诺拉阿都拉曼 不战而胜 17,052
16 P207 伊干 (IGAN) (国阵土保党) 瓦合杜拉 不战而胜 15,735
17 P208 泗里街 (SARIKEI) (国阵人联党) 陈冠勋 10,588 47.98 (行动党) 黄华西 10,537 51 176 69.68 31,675
18 P209 如楼 (JULAU) (国阵砂人民党) 佐瑟沙朗 10,351 77.83 (公正党) 安布鲁斯拉邦 2,767 7,584 182 65.50 20,306
19 P210 加拿逸 (KANOWIT) (国阵砂人民党) 艾伦达干 不战而胜 17,613
20 P211 南兰 (LANANG) (国阵人联党) 张泰卿 19,476 56.71 (行动党) 黄培根 14,612 4,864 253 69.54 49,530
21 P212 诗巫 (SIBU) (国阵人联党) 刘会洲 19,138 52.61 (行动党) 黄和联 15,903 3,235 526 67.77 53,679
22 P213 沐胶 (MUKAH) (国阵土保党) 廖迈克 10,090 70.05 (独立人士) 海宾玛拉威因 3,792 6,298 521 63.17 22,851
23 P214 实兰沟 (SELANGAU) (国阵砂人民党) 佐瑟恩都鲁 不战而胜 20,057
24 P215 加帛 (KAPIT) (国阵土保党) 阿歷山大南达林奇 不战而胜 22,723
25 P216 乌鲁拉让 (HULU RAJANG) (国阵砂人民党) 比利阿必佐 6,590 59.08 (独立人士) 乔治拉贡 4,426 2,164 139 63.09 17,696
26 P217 民都鲁 (BINTULU) (国阵民进党) 张庆信 23,628 72.53 (行动党) 林素均 8,663 14,965 288 64.98 50,404
27 P218 实务地 (SIBUTI) (国阵土保党) 阿末莱 8,238 63.27 (公正党) 张有庆 4,590 3,648 192 58.84 22,143
28 P219 美里 (MIRI) (国阵人联党) 陈华贵 19,354 57.32 (行动党) 房保德 14,138 5,216 273 60.70 55,963
29 P220 峇南 (BARAM) (国阵民进党) 耶谷沙岸 7,996 66.00 (独立人士) 哥宾旺 3,952 4,044 167 49.65 24,425
30 P221 林梦 (LIMBANG) (国阵土保党) 哈斯比哈比波拉 6,427 52.29 (公正党) 刘烈贵 5,751 676 113 60.94 20,315
31 P222 老越 (LAWAS) (国阵土保党) 亨利宋艾贡 8,526 91.27 (公正党) 查巴苏友 734 7,792 82 59.44 15,717
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Sunday, September 25, 2011
The Origins and Obligations of Sharia Law
The origins and obligations of Sharia law
Sharia is the body of Islamic religious law based on the Qu'ran and the words and actions of the prophet Mohammed and his followers.
In the West, Sharia has become synonymous with the brutal punishments meted out in Islamic states, but the majority of laws are to do with everyday issues, ranging from personal hygiene to banking.
Hard line Muslim leaders claim that Sharia is eternal and can never be changed, while moderates argue that it is not a strict set of laws but should be open to interpretation.
Sunni and Shia Muslims follow different schools of thought in interpreting the Sharia laws, but all Muslims are required to live according to Sharia wherever they are.
Islamic countries such as Saudi Arabia and Iran have implemented Sharia as the legal system of the country, but in Britain it has no legal standing, despite the introduction of Sharia-compliant banking and food.
Examples of obligatory laws
• Earnings must be lawfully obtained
• Food must be halal
• Personal hygiene must be of a very high standard
• Couples must have a full bath in flowing water after intercourse
• The body must be covered modestly
• Prayers must be said five times a day
• Believers must fast during Ramadan
By Clare Dwyer Hogg and Jonathan Wynne-Jones, The Telegraph
*******************************************
Sharia is an Arabic word meaning "the right path". The Sharia comes from the Qu'ran, the sacred book of Islam, which Muslims consider the actual word of God. The Sharia also stems from the Prophet Muhammad's teachings and interpretations of those teachings by certain Muslim legal scholars.
Muslims believe that Allah (God) revealed his true will to Muhammad, who then passed on Allah's commands to humans in the Koran.
Since the Sharia originated from Allah, Muslims consider it sacred. Between the seventh century when Muhammad died and the 10th century, many Islamic legal scholars attempted to interpret the Sharia and to adapt it to the expanding Muslim Empire.
The classic Sharia of the 10th century represented an important part of Islam's golden age. From that time, the Sharia has continued to be reinterpreted and adapted to changing circumstances and new issues. In the modern era, the influences of Western colonialism generated efforts to codify it.
Following Muhammad's death in A.D. 632, companions of the Prophet ruled Arabia for about 30 years. These political-religious rulers, called Caliphs, continued to develop Islamic law with their own pronouncements and decisions. The first Caliphs also conquered territories outside Arabia including Iraq, Syria, Palestine, Persia, and Egypt.
As a result, elements of Jewish, Greek, Roman, Persian, and Christian church law also influenced the development of the Sharia.
Islamic law grew along with the expanding Muslim Empire. The Umayyad dynasty Caliphs, who took control of the empire in 661, extended Islam into India, Northwest Africa, and Spain. The Umayyads appointed Islamic judges, kadis, to decide cases involving Muslims. (Non-Muslims kept their own legal system.) Knowledgeable about the Koran and the teachings of Muhammad, kadis decided cases in all areas of the law.
Following a period of revolts and civil war, the Umayyads were overthrown in 750 and replaced by the Abbasid dynasty. During the 500-year rule of the Abbasids, the Sharia reached its full development.
Under their absolute rule, the Abbasids transferred substantial areas of criminal law from the kadis to the government. The kadis continued to handle cases involving religious, family, property, and commercial law.
The Abbasids encouraged legal scholars to debate the Sharia vigorously. One group held that only the divinely inspired Koran and teachings of the Prophet Muhammad should make up the Sharia. A rival group, however, argued that the Sharia should also include the reasoned opinions of qualified legal scholars. Different legal systems began to develop in different provinces.
From this very brief history of the Islamic empire and the development of the Sharia, some scholars argue that the Sharia evolved over time and transformed to meet the needs to society during their respective times. In other words, the Shariah was not static but dynamic.
Other scholars argue that the Sharia was already present during the time of the Prophet and was already fully developed by the time the Prophet died. In other words, this was what was laid down by the Prophet and merely continued after the Prophet died (meaning, the Sharia did not evolve or transform over time). This argument is to support the theory that the Sharia came from God and was not ‘invented’ by man over hundreds of years following the death of the Prophet.
In an attempt to reconcile the rival groups, a brilliant legal scholar named Shafiee systematized and developed what were called the "roots of the law". Shafiee argued that in solving a legal question, the kadi or government judge should first consult the Koran. If the answer were not clear there, the judge should refer to the authentic sayings and decisions of Muhammad. If the answer continued to elude the judge, he should then look to the consensus of Muslim legal scholars on the matter. Still failing to find a solution, the judge could form his own answer by analogy from "the precedent nearest in resemblance and most appropriate" to the case at hand.
This clearly shows that even the scholars themselves could not agree on whether the Sharia is God’s law or man’s creation based on interpretation of the Koran and the teachings (examples) of the Prophet.
There are five laws under the Sharia law. Basically, these are:
1. ibadah (ritual worship)
2. mu'amalat (transactions and contracts)
3. adab (morals and manners),
4. i'tiqadat (beliefs)
5. 'uqubat (punishments).
There are three categories of crimes in Sharia law. These are:
1. qisas
2. hudud
3. tazir.
Qisas involves personal injury and has several categories: intentional murder (first-degree), quasi-intentional murder (second-degree), unintentional murder (manslaughter), intentional battery, and unintentional battery.
A qisas offense is treated as a civil case rather than an actual criminal case. If the accused party is found guilty, the victim (or in death, victim's family) determines the punishment, choosing either retribution (qesas-e-nafs), which means execution in the case of intentional murder, imprisonment, and in some cases of intentional battery, the amputation of the limb that was lost; or compensation (diyya) for the loss of life/limb/injury.
The sharia judge (or, in modern sharia systems like those of Iran or Iraq, the state) can convict for and legally punish only qesas crimes on his own authority. However, the state itself may prosecute for crimes committed alongside the qisas offense. If the victim's family pardons the criminal, in addition to the sharia punishment he would normally receive a tazir prison sentence (such as ten to twenty years in prison) for crimes such as "intentional loss of life", "tazir assault and battery" "disturbance of the peace", and so forth.
The second category of crimes is hudud (or hadd). Hudud crimes are crimes whose penalties were laid down by the Qu'ran and are considered to be "crimes against God". The hudud crimes are:
1. adultery (zina), which includes adultery, fornication, incest/pedophilia, rape, and pimping
2. apostasy/blasphemy
3. defamation (meaning false accusation of any of these things)
4. sodomy/lesbianism (or sodomy rape)
5. theft
6. use of intoxicants (alcohol/drug use)
7. "waging war against God and society" (rebellion)
Hudud, therefore, is merely one part of the very broad laws that come under the Islamic Sharia. However, this appears to be the only focus for debate, in particular in Malaysia.
Thus, the current brouhaha about Hudud is only a small part of a very vast Sharia system. In reality, we already have the Shariah in Malaysia. The only thing we do NOT have yet is the Hudud part of Sharia.
Upon closer inspection, the ISA is worse than Hudud. Under the ISA you can be detained BEFORE you commit a crime. That is why the ISA is called a 'preventive law'. Under the Shariah you CAN'T be punished for a crime you have not committed yet. The Sedition Act, Criminal Defamation, etc. are more draconian than Hudud by far.
If we compare apples to apples, there are many elements of the Sharia which are fairer than common laws, and vice versa of course. So we can't say Hudud is better or common law is better. It all depends on specifics. Maybe the one bone of contention is the punishment for theft (hand cutting). If we resolve that one needling issue then the rest is not that much an issue.
Are we opposed to Hudud because it is 'ISLAMIC LAW" OR BECAUSE IT IS UNJUST?
What if it was not called Hudud or Sharia but called 'Common Law'? Would it be acceptable then? For instance, if the Parliament amends laws that decree the punishment for the crime of corruption is firing squad (like China) but it is not called Shariah/Hudud would that be acceptable?
What if Parliament passed a law that the punishment for rape is castration? But this is NOT Islamic law and the word Hudud would not appear. Would many support it then? I would!
Can we disagree that rapists and murderers should not be punished? In fact, many feel Hudud is not even severe enough and they want it more severe. What many do not realise is that the hand cutting punishment is not an automatic thing. The criminal must first be assessed as to why he or she stole. And if it is because of poverty, then instead of cutting off the thief's hand, he or she has to be put under welfare and be taken care of by the state. In fact, the head of the welfare department instead would be punished for neglecting the poor and destitute that resulted in them having to steal to survive.
The issue is the word ISLAM in that law of Hudud, which, as you can see, is a SMALL part of the Sharia.
So what is really happening in the debate? Is hudud being used again by DSAI to curry favor with PAS and as a leverage against DAP to bargain for seat allocation? He expresses his PERSONAL opinion, and then claims he will consult PKR on it later (read more here).
We cannot afford to be battling on such issues and lose sight of the REAL BATTLE before us - winning the next GE! Politics and religion do not mix. Religion should not be used as a subject for political debates or policy decisions. Nip the problem in the bud before this issue brings about the downfall of PR! Let's keep our focus and fight the real enemy!
I suppose, this is Malaysia for you. Malaysians would debate till the cows come home about the Internal Security Act (ISA) whereas the ISA is just one small part of many things that is wrong with the Malaysian justice system and the Malaysian judiciary.
Written by Raja Petra Kamarudin and Masterwordsmith
*This post was written as a result of a discussion on hudud via Skype chat on 23rd September from 5pm to 7.30pm. Masterwordsmith acknowledges with grateful thanks the guidance and input of RPK on this topic.
___________________
Further reading:
1. Stoning Women to Death in Iran and Afghanistan
Sharia is the body of Islamic religious law based on the Qu'ran and the words and actions of the prophet Mohammed and his followers.
In the West, Sharia has become synonymous with the brutal punishments meted out in Islamic states, but the majority of laws are to do with everyday issues, ranging from personal hygiene to banking.
Hard line Muslim leaders claim that Sharia is eternal and can never be changed, while moderates argue that it is not a strict set of laws but should be open to interpretation.
Sunni and Shia Muslims follow different schools of thought in interpreting the Sharia laws, but all Muslims are required to live according to Sharia wherever they are.
Islamic countries such as Saudi Arabia and Iran have implemented Sharia as the legal system of the country, but in Britain it has no legal standing, despite the introduction of Sharia-compliant banking and food.
Examples of obligatory laws
• Earnings must be lawfully obtained
• Food must be halal
• Personal hygiene must be of a very high standard
• Couples must have a full bath in flowing water after intercourse
• The body must be covered modestly
• Prayers must be said five times a day
• Believers must fast during Ramadan
By Clare Dwyer Hogg and Jonathan Wynne-Jones, The Telegraph
*******************************************
Sharia is an Arabic word meaning "the right path". The Sharia comes from the Qu'ran, the sacred book of Islam, which Muslims consider the actual word of God. The Sharia also stems from the Prophet Muhammad's teachings and interpretations of those teachings by certain Muslim legal scholars.
Muslims believe that Allah (God) revealed his true will to Muhammad, who then passed on Allah's commands to humans in the Koran.
Since the Sharia originated from Allah, Muslims consider it sacred. Between the seventh century when Muhammad died and the 10th century, many Islamic legal scholars attempted to interpret the Sharia and to adapt it to the expanding Muslim Empire.
The classic Sharia of the 10th century represented an important part of Islam's golden age. From that time, the Sharia has continued to be reinterpreted and adapted to changing circumstances and new issues. In the modern era, the influences of Western colonialism generated efforts to codify it.
Following Muhammad's death in A.D. 632, companions of the Prophet ruled Arabia for about 30 years. These political-religious rulers, called Caliphs, continued to develop Islamic law with their own pronouncements and decisions. The first Caliphs also conquered territories outside Arabia including Iraq, Syria, Palestine, Persia, and Egypt.
As a result, elements of Jewish, Greek, Roman, Persian, and Christian church law also influenced the development of the Sharia.
Islamic law grew along with the expanding Muslim Empire. The Umayyad dynasty Caliphs, who took control of the empire in 661, extended Islam into India, Northwest Africa, and Spain. The Umayyads appointed Islamic judges, kadis, to decide cases involving Muslims. (Non-Muslims kept their own legal system.) Knowledgeable about the Koran and the teachings of Muhammad, kadis decided cases in all areas of the law.
Following a period of revolts and civil war, the Umayyads were overthrown in 750 and replaced by the Abbasid dynasty. During the 500-year rule of the Abbasids, the Sharia reached its full development.
Under their absolute rule, the Abbasids transferred substantial areas of criminal law from the kadis to the government. The kadis continued to handle cases involving religious, family, property, and commercial law.
The Abbasids encouraged legal scholars to debate the Sharia vigorously. One group held that only the divinely inspired Koran and teachings of the Prophet Muhammad should make up the Sharia. A rival group, however, argued that the Sharia should also include the reasoned opinions of qualified legal scholars. Different legal systems began to develop in different provinces.
From this very brief history of the Islamic empire and the development of the Sharia, some scholars argue that the Sharia evolved over time and transformed to meet the needs to society during their respective times. In other words, the Shariah was not static but dynamic.
Other scholars argue that the Sharia was already present during the time of the Prophet and was already fully developed by the time the Prophet died. In other words, this was what was laid down by the Prophet and merely continued after the Prophet died (meaning, the Sharia did not evolve or transform over time). This argument is to support the theory that the Sharia came from God and was not ‘invented’ by man over hundreds of years following the death of the Prophet.
In an attempt to reconcile the rival groups, a brilliant legal scholar named Shafiee systematized and developed what were called the "roots of the law". Shafiee argued that in solving a legal question, the kadi or government judge should first consult the Koran. If the answer were not clear there, the judge should refer to the authentic sayings and decisions of Muhammad. If the answer continued to elude the judge, he should then look to the consensus of Muslim legal scholars on the matter. Still failing to find a solution, the judge could form his own answer by analogy from "the precedent nearest in resemblance and most appropriate" to the case at hand.
This clearly shows that even the scholars themselves could not agree on whether the Sharia is God’s law or man’s creation based on interpretation of the Koran and the teachings (examples) of the Prophet.
There are five laws under the Sharia law. Basically, these are:
1. ibadah (ritual worship)
2. mu'amalat (transactions and contracts)
3. adab (morals and manners),
4. i'tiqadat (beliefs)
5. 'uqubat (punishments).
There are three categories of crimes in Sharia law. These are:
1. qisas
2. hudud
3. tazir.
Qisas involves personal injury and has several categories: intentional murder (first-degree), quasi-intentional murder (second-degree), unintentional murder (manslaughter), intentional battery, and unintentional battery.
A qisas offense is treated as a civil case rather than an actual criminal case. If the accused party is found guilty, the victim (or in death, victim's family) determines the punishment, choosing either retribution (qesas-e-nafs), which means execution in the case of intentional murder, imprisonment, and in some cases of intentional battery, the amputation of the limb that was lost; or compensation (diyya) for the loss of life/limb/injury.
The sharia judge (or, in modern sharia systems like those of Iran or Iraq, the state) can convict for and legally punish only qesas crimes on his own authority. However, the state itself may prosecute for crimes committed alongside the qisas offense. If the victim's family pardons the criminal, in addition to the sharia punishment he would normally receive a tazir prison sentence (such as ten to twenty years in prison) for crimes such as "intentional loss of life", "tazir assault and battery" "disturbance of the peace", and so forth.
The second category of crimes is hudud (or hadd). Hudud crimes are crimes whose penalties were laid down by the Qu'ran and are considered to be "crimes against God". The hudud crimes are:
1. adultery (zina), which includes adultery, fornication, incest/pedophilia, rape, and pimping
2. apostasy/blasphemy
3. defamation (meaning false accusation of any of these things)
4. sodomy/lesbianism (or sodomy rape)
5. theft
6. use of intoxicants (alcohol/drug use)
7. "waging war against God and society" (rebellion)
Hudud, therefore, is merely one part of the very broad laws that come under the Islamic Sharia. However, this appears to be the only focus for debate, in particular in Malaysia.
Thus, the current brouhaha about Hudud is only a small part of a very vast Sharia system. In reality, we already have the Shariah in Malaysia. The only thing we do NOT have yet is the Hudud part of Sharia.
Upon closer inspection, the ISA is worse than Hudud. Under the ISA you can be detained BEFORE you commit a crime. That is why the ISA is called a 'preventive law'. Under the Shariah you CAN'T be punished for a crime you have not committed yet. The Sedition Act, Criminal Defamation, etc. are more draconian than Hudud by far.
If we compare apples to apples, there are many elements of the Sharia which are fairer than common laws, and vice versa of course. So we can't say Hudud is better or common law is better. It all depends on specifics. Maybe the one bone of contention is the punishment for theft (hand cutting). If we resolve that one needling issue then the rest is not that much an issue.
Are we opposed to Hudud because it is 'ISLAMIC LAW" OR BECAUSE IT IS UNJUST?
What if it was not called Hudud or Sharia but called 'Common Law'? Would it be acceptable then? For instance, if the Parliament amends laws that decree the punishment for the crime of corruption is firing squad (like China) but it is not called Shariah/Hudud would that be acceptable?
What if Parliament passed a law that the punishment for rape is castration? But this is NOT Islamic law and the word Hudud would not appear. Would many support it then? I would!
Can we disagree that rapists and murderers should not be punished? In fact, many feel Hudud is not even severe enough and they want it more severe. What many do not realise is that the hand cutting punishment is not an automatic thing. The criminal must first be assessed as to why he or she stole. And if it is because of poverty, then instead of cutting off the thief's hand, he or she has to be put under welfare and be taken care of by the state. In fact, the head of the welfare department instead would be punished for neglecting the poor and destitute that resulted in them having to steal to survive.
The issue is the word ISLAM in that law of Hudud, which, as you can see, is a SMALL part of the Sharia.
So what is really happening in the debate? Is hudud being used again by DSAI to curry favor with PAS and as a leverage against DAP to bargain for seat allocation? He expresses his PERSONAL opinion, and then claims he will consult PKR on it later (read more here).
We cannot afford to be battling on such issues and lose sight of the REAL BATTLE before us - winning the next GE! Politics and religion do not mix. Religion should not be used as a subject for political debates or policy decisions. Nip the problem in the bud before this issue brings about the downfall of PR! Let's keep our focus and fight the real enemy!
I suppose, this is Malaysia for you. Malaysians would debate till the cows come home about the Internal Security Act (ISA) whereas the ISA is just one small part of many things that is wrong with the Malaysian justice system and the Malaysian judiciary.
Written by Raja Petra Kamarudin and Masterwordsmith
*This post was written as a result of a discussion on hudud via Skype chat on 23rd September from 5pm to 7.30pm. Masterwordsmith acknowledges with grateful thanks the guidance and input of RPK on this topic.
___________________
Further reading:
1. Stoning Women to Death in Iran and Afghanistan
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